THE
ESSAYES
OR
COVNSELS,
CIVILL AND
MORALL,
OF
FRANCISLO. VERVLAM,
VISCOVNT S+t+. ALBAN.
Newly written.
LONDON,
Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for
HANNA BARRET.
1625.
| 1 |
TO
THE RIGHT
HONORABLE MY
VERY GOOD LO. THE DVKE
of Buckingham his Grace, LO.
High Admirall of England.
EXCELLENT LO.
SALOMON
saies; A good
Name is as a
precious oynt
ment; And
I assure my
selfe, such wil
your Graces Name bee, with
Posteritie. For your Fortune,
and Merit both, haue beene E
minent. And you haue planted
Things, that are like to last. I
doe now publish my Essayes;
which, of all my other workes,
haue beene most Currant: For
that, as it seemes, they come
home, to Mens Businesse, and
Bosomes. I haue enlarged them,
both in Number, and Weight;
So that they are indeed a New
Worke. I thought it therefore
agreeable, to my Affection, and
Obligation to your Grace, to
prefix your Name before them,
both in English, and in Latine.
For I doe conceiue, that the La
tine Volume of them, ( being in
the Vniuersall Language ) may
last, as long as Bookes last. My
Instauration, I dedicated to the
King: My Historie of HENRY
the Seuenth, ( which I haue now
also translated into Latine ) and
my Portions of Naturall History,
to the Prince: And these I dedi
cate to your Grace; Being of the
best Fruits, that by the good En
crease, which God giues to my
Pen and Labours, I could yeeld.
God leade your Grace by the
Hand.
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| 2 |
Your Graces most Obliged and
faithfull Seruant,
FR. S+t+. ALBAN.
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| 1 |
The Table.
1 OF Truth. Page 1
2 Of Death. 6
3 Of Vnitie in Religion. 10
4 Of Reuenge. 19
5 Of Aduersitie. 22
6 Of Simulation and Dissimulation. 25
7 Of Parents and Children. 32
8 Of Marriage and Single Life. 36
9 Of Enuie. 40
10 Of Loue. 50
11 Of Great Place. 54
12 Of Boldnesse. 62
13 Of Goodnesse, and Goodnesse of Na ture. 66
14 Of Nobilitie. 72
15 Of Seditions and Troubles. 76
16 Of Atheisme. 90
17 Of Superstition. 96
18 Of Trauaile. 100
19 Of Empire. 105
20 Of Counsell. 115
21 Of Delaies. 125
22 Of Cunning. 127
23 Of Wisdome for a Mans Selfe. 135
24 Of Innouations. 139
25 Of Dispatch. 142
26 Of Seeming Wise. 146
27 Of Frendship. 149
28 Of Expence. 164
29 Of the true Greatnesse of Kingdomes
30 Of Regiment of Health. 187
31 Of Suspicion. 191
32 Of Discourse. 194
33 Of Plantations. 198
34 Of Riches. 205
35 Of Prophecies. 212
36 Of Ambition. 218
37 Of Maskes and Triumphs. 223
38 Of Nature in Men. 227
39 Of Custome and Education. 231
40 Of Fortune. 235
41 Of Vsury. 239
42 Of Youth and Age. 247
43 Of Beautie. 251
44 Of Deformitie. 254
45 Of Building. 257
46 Of Gardens. 266
47 Of Negotiating. 280
48 Of Followers and Frends. 284
49 Of Sutours. 288
50 Of Studies. 292
51 Of Faction. 296
52 Of Ceremonies and Respects. 300
53 Of Praise. 304
54 Of Vain-Glory. 308
55 Of Honour and Reputation. 312
56 Of Iudicature. 316
57 Of Anger. 325
58 Of Vicissitude of Things. 329
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Of Truth
| 1 |
WHAT is Truth;said
jesting Pilate;And
would not stay for
an Answer. Certainly there be,that
delight in Giddinesse;And count it
a Bondage, to fix a
Beleefe; Affecting Free-will in Thinking,
as well as in Acting.And though the Sects
of Philosophers of that Kinde be gone,
yet there remaine certaine discoursing
Wits, which are of the same veines,though
there be not so much Bloud in them, as
was in those of the Ancients. But it is not
onely the Difficultie, and Labour, which
Men take in finding out of Truth; Nor
againe, that when it is found, it imposeth
vpon mens Thoughts; that doth bring
Lies in fauour: But a naturall, though corrupt Loue, of the Lie it selfe. One of the
later Schoole of the Grecians, examineth
the matter, and is at a stand, to thinke
what should be in it, that men should
loue Lies; Where neither they make for
Pleasure, as with Poets; Nor for Aduantage, as with the Merchant; but for the
Lies sake. But I cannot tell: This same
Truth, is a Naked, and Open day light,
that doth not shew, the Masques, and
Mummeries, and Triumphs of the world,
halfe so Stately, and daintily, as Candlelights. Truth may perhaps come to the
price of a Pearle, that sheweth best by
day: But it will not rise, to the price of a
Diamond, or Carbuncle, that sheweth best
in varied lights. A mixture of a Lie doth
euer adde Pleasure. Doth any man doubt,
that if there were taken out of Mens
Mindes, Vaine Opinions, Flattering
Hopes, False valuations, Imaginations
as one would, and the like; but it would
leaue the Mindes, of a Number of Men,
poore shrunken Things; full of Melancholy, and Indisposition, and vnpleasing
to themselues? One of the Fathers, in great
Seuerity, called Poesie, Vinum Dæmonum;
because it filleth the Imagination, and yet
it is, but with the shadow of a Lie. But it
is not the Lie, that passeth through the
Minde, but the Lie that sinketh in, and
setleth in it, that doth the hurt, such as we
spake of before. But howsoeuer these
things are thus, in mens depraued Iudgements, and Affections, yet Truth, which
onely doth iudge it selfe, teacheth, that the
Inquirie of Truth, which is the Loue-making, or Wooing of it; The knowledge of
Truth, which is the Presence of it; and the
Beleefe of Truth, which is the Enioying of
it; is the Soueraigne Good of humane
Nature. The first Creature of God, in the
workes of the Dayes, was the Light of the
Sense; The last, was the Light of Reason;
And his Sabbath Worke, euer since, is the
Illumination of his Spirit. First he breathed Light, vpon the Face, of the Matter
or Chaos; Then he breathed Light, into
the Face of Man; and still he breatheth
and inspireth Light, into the Face of his
Chosen. The Poet, that beautified the
Sect, that was otherwise inferiour to the
rest, saith yet excellently well: It is a pleasure to stand vpon the shore, and to see ships
tost vpon the Sea: A pleasure to stand in the
window of a Castle, and to see a Battaile, and
the Aduentures thereof, below: But no pleasure is comparable, to the standing, vpon the
vantage ground of Truth: ( A hill not to
be commanded, and where the Ayre is
alwaies cleare and serene; ) And to see the
Errours, and Wandrings, and Mists, and
Tempests, in the vale below: So alwaies,
that this prospect, be with Pitty, and not
with Swelling, or Pride. Certainly, it is
Heauen vpon Earth, to haue a Mans
Minde Moue in Charitie, Rest in Prouidence, and Turne vpon the Poles of
Truth.
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To passe from Theologicall, and
Philosophicall Truth, to the Truth of ciuill Businesse; It will be acknowledged, euen by
those, that practize it not, that cleare and
Round dealing, is the Honour of Mans
Nature; And that Mixture of Falshood, is
like Allay in Coyne of Gold and Siluer,
which may make the Metall worke the
better, but it embaseth it. For these winding, and crooked courses, are the Goings of the Serpent; which goeth basely
vpon the belly, and not vpon the Feet.
There is no Vice, that doth so couer a
Man with Shame, as to be found false,
and perfidious. And therefore Mountaigny
saith prettily, when he enquired the
reason, why the word of the Lie, should
be such a Disgrace, and such an Odious
Charge? Saith he, If it be well weighed, To
say that a man lieth, is as much to say, as
that he is braue towards God, and a Coward
towards men. For a Lie faces God, and
shrinkes from Man. Surely the Wickednesse of Falshood, and Breach of Faith,
cannot possibly be so highly expressed, as
in that it shall be the last Peale, to call the
Iudgements of God, vpon the Generations of Men, It being foretold, that when
Christ commeth, He shall not finde Faith
vpon the Earth.
|
Of Death.
| 1 |
MEn feare Death, as Children
feare to goe in the darke: And
as that Natural Feare in Children, is increased with Tales,
so is the other. Certainly, the Contemplation of Death, as the wages of sinne, and
Passage to another world, is Holy, and
Religious; But the Feare of it, as a Tribute
due vnto Nature, is weake. Yet in Religious Meditations, there is sometimes,
Mixture of Vanitie, and of Superstition.
You shal reade, in some of the Friars Books
of Mortification, that a man should thinke
with himselfe, what the Paine is, if he
haue but his Fingers end Pressed, or
Tortured; And thereby imagine, what the
Paines of Death are, when the whole Body, is corrupted and dissolued; when many times, Death passeth with lesse paine,
then the Torture of a Limme: For the
most vitall parts, are not the quickest of
Sense. And by him, that spake onely as a
Philosopher, and Naturall Man, it was
well said; Pompa Mortis magis terret, quàm
Mors ipsa. Groanes and Conuulsions, and
a discoloured Face, and Friends weeping,
and Blackes, and Obsequies, and the like,
shew Death Terrible. It is worthy the obseruing, that there is no passion in the
minde of man, so weake, but it Mates,
and Masters, the Feare of Death: And
therefore Death, is no such terrible Enemie, when a man hath so many Attendants, about him, that can winne the
combat of him. Reuenge triumphs ouer
Death; Loue slights it; Honour aspireth to
it; Griefe flieth to it; Feare pre-occupateth it; Nay we reade, after Otho the Emperour had slaine himselfe, Pitty ( which
is the tenderest of Affections ) prouoked
many to die, out of meere compassion to
their Soueraigne, and as the truest sort of
Followers. Nay Seneca addes Nicenesse
and Saciety; Cogita quam diù eadem feceris;
Mori velle, non tantùm Fortis, aut Miser,
sed etiàm Fastidiosus potest. A man would
die, though he were neither valiant, nor
miserable, onely vpon a wearinesse to doe
the same thing, so oft ouer and ouer. It
is no lesse worthy to obserue, how little
Alteration, in good Spirits, the Approaches of Death make; For they appeare, to
be the same Men, till the last Instant. Augustus Cæsar died in a Complement; Liuia, Coniugij nostri memor, viue & vale.
Tiberius in dissimulation; As Tacitus saith
of him; Iam Tiberium Vires, & Corpus, non
Dissimulatio, deserebant. Vespasian in a Iest;
Sitting vpon the Stoole, Vt puto Deus fio.
Galba with a Sentence; Feri, si ex re sit populi Romani; Holding forth his Necke.
Septimius Seuerus in dispatch; Adeste, si
quid mihi restat agendum. And the like.
Certainly, the Stoikes bestowed too much
cost vpon Death, and by their great
preparations, made it appeare more fearefull.
Better saith he, Qui finem Vitæ; extremum
inter Munera ponat Naturæ. It is as Naturall to die, as to be borne; And to a little
Infant, perhaps, the one, is as painfull, as
the other. He that dies in an earnest Pursuit, is like one that is wounded in hot
Bloud; who, for the time, scarce feeles
the Hurt; And therefore, a Minde fixt, and
bent vpon somewhat that is good, doth
auert the Dolors of Death: But aboue all,
beleeue it, the sweetest Canticle is, Nunc
dimittis; when a Man hath obtained worthy ends, and Expectations. Death hath
this also; That it openeth the Gate, to
good Fame, and extinguisheth Enuie.
---Extinctus amabitur idem.
|
Of Vnity in Religion.
| 1 |
REligion being the chiefe Band
of humane Society, it is a
happy thing, when it selfe,
is well contained, within the
true Band of Vnity. The Quarrels, and
Diuisions about Religion, were Euils vnknowne to the Heathen. The Reason
was, because the Religion of the Heathen,
consisted rather in Rites and Ceremonies; then in any constant Beleefe. For
you may imagine, what kinde of Faith
theirs was, when the chiefe Doctors, and
Fathers of their Church, were the Poets.
But the true God hath this Attribute,
That he is a Iealous God; And therefore,
his worship and Religion, will endure no
Mixture, nor Partner. We shall therefore
speake, a few words, concerning the
Vnity of the Church; What are the Fruits
thereof; what the Bounds; And what the
Meanes?
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| 2 |
The Fruits of Vnity ( next vnto the
well Pleasing of God, which is All in All )
are two; The One, towards those, that
are without the Church; The Other, towards those, that are within. For the Former, lt is certaine, that Heresies, and
Schismes, are of all others, the greatest
Scandals; yea more then Corruption of
Manners. For as in the Naturall Body, a
Wound or Solution of Continuity, is
worse then a Corrupt Humor; So in the
Spirituall. So that nothing, doth so much
keepe Men out of the Church, and driue
Men out of the Church, as Breach of Vnity: And therefore, whensoeuer it commeth to that passe, that one saith, Ecce in
Deserto; Another saith, Ecce in penetralibus; That is, when some Men seeke Christ,
in the Conuenticles of Heretikes, and others, in an Outward Face of a Church,
that voice had need continually to sound
in Mens Eares, Nolite exire, Goe not out.
The Doctor of the Gentiles ( the Propriety
of whose Vocation, drew him to haue a
speciall care of those without) saith; If an
Heathen come in, and heare you speake with
seuerall Tongues, Will he not say that you are
mad? And certainly, it is little better,
when Atheists, and prophane Persons, do
heare of so many Discordant, and Contrary Opinions in Religion; It doth auert
them from the Church, and maketh them,
To sit downe in the chaire of the Scorners. It
is but a light Thing, to be Vouched in so
Serious a Matter, but yet it expresseth
well the Deformity. There is a Master of
Scoffing; that in his Catalogue of Books,
of a faigned Library, sets Downe this Title of a Booke; The morris daunce of Heretikes. For indeed, euery Sect of them,
hath a Diuers Posture, or Cringe by themselues, which cannot but Moue Derision, in Worldlings, and Depraued Politickes, who are apt to contemne Holy
Things.
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| 3 |
As for the Fruit towards those that are
within; It is Peace; which containeth
infinite Blessings: It establisheth Faith; It
kindleth Charity; The outward Peace of
the Church, Distilleth into Peace of Conscience; And it turneth the Labours, of
Writing, and Reading of Controuersies,
into Treaties of Mortification, and Deuotion.
Concerning the Bounds of Vnity; The
true Placing of them, importeth exceedingly. There appeare to be two extremes.
For to certaine Zelants all Speech of Pacification is odious. Is it peace Iehu? What
hast thou to doe with peace? turne thee behinde me. Peace is not the Matter, but Following and Party. Contrariwise, certaine
Laodiceans, and Luke-warme Persons,
thinke they may accommodate Points of
Religion, by Middle Waies, and taking
part of both; And witty Reconcilements;
As if they would make an Arbitrement,
betweene God and Man. Both these Extremes are to be auoyded; which will
be done, if the League of Christians, penned by our Sauiour himselfe, were in the
two crosse Clauses thereof, soundly and
plainly expounded; He that is not with
vs, is against vs: And againe; He that is
not against vs, is with vs: That is, if the
Points Fundamentall and of Substance
in Religion, were truly discerned and distinguished, from Points not meerely of
Faith, but of Opinion, Order, or good Intention. This is a Thing, may seeme to
many, a Matter triuiall, and done already:
But if it were done lesse partially, it would
be embraced more generally.
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| 4 |
Of this I may giue onely this Aduice,
according to my small Modell. Men
ought to take heede, of rending Gods
Church, by two kinds of Controuersies.
The one is, when the Matter of the Point
controuerted, is too small and light, not
worth the Heat, and Strife about it, kindled onely by Contradiction. For, as it is
noted by one of the Fathers; Christs Coat,
indeed, had no seame: But the Churches Vesture was of diuers colours; whereupon he
saith, In veste varietas sit, Scissura non sit;
They be two Thin
gs, Vnity, and Vniformity. The other is, when the Matter of
the Point Controuerted is great; but it is
driuen to an ouer-great Subtilty, and Obscurity; so that it becommeth a Thing,
rather Ingenious, then Substantiall. A
man that is of Iudgement and vnderstanding, shall sometimes heare Ignorant
Men differ, and know well within himselfe, that those which so differ, meane
one thing, and yet they themselues would
neuer agree. And if it come so to passe, in
that distance of Iudgement, which is betweene Man and Man; Shall wee not
thinke, that God aboue, that knowes the
Heart, doth discerne, that fraile Men,
in some of their Contradictions, intend
the same thing; and accepteth of both?
The Nature of such Controuersies, is excellently expressed, by S+t+. Paul, in the
Warning and Precept, that he giueth, concerning the same, Devita profanas vocum
Novitates, & Oppositiones falsi Nominis
Scientiæ. Men create Oppositions, which
are not; And put them into new termes,
so fixed, as whereas the Meaning ought
to gouerne the Terme, the Terme in effect
gouerneth the Meaning. There be also
two false Peaces, or Vnities; The one,
when the Peace is grounded, but vpon an
implicite ignorance, For all Colours will
agree in the Darke: The other, when it
is peeced vp, vpon a direct Admission of
Contraries, in Fundamentall Points. For
Truth and Falshood, in such things, are
like the Iron and Clay, in the toes of Nabucadnezars Image; They may Cleaue,
but they will not Incorporate.
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| 5 |
Concerning the Meanes of procuring Vnity; Men must beware, that in the Procuring, or Muniting, of Religious Vnity, they
doe not Dissolue and Deface the Lawes of
Charity, and of humane Society. There
be two Swords amongst Christians; the
Spirituall, and Temporall; And both
haue their due Office, and place, in the
maintenance of Religion. But we may
not take vp the Third sword, which is
Mahomets Sword, or like vnto it; That is,
to propagate Religion, by Warrs, or by Sanguinary Persecutions, to force Consciences; except it be in cases of Ouert
Scandall, Blasphemy, or Intermixture of Practize, against the State; Much lesse to
Nourish Seditions; To Authorize Conspiracies and Rebellions; To put the
Sword into the Peoples Hands; And the
like; Tending to the Subuersion of all
Gouernment, which is the Ordinance of
God. For this is, but to dash the first Table,
against the Second; And so to consider
Men as Christians, as we forget that they
are Men. Lucretius the Poet, when he beheld the Act of Agamemnon, that could endure the Sacrificing of his owne Daughter, exclaimed;
Tantum Relligio potuit suadere malorum.
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| 6 |
What would he haue said, if he had
knowne of the Massacre in France, or
the Powder Treason of England? He
would haue beene, Seuen times more
Epicure and Atheist, then he was. For as
the temporall Sword, is to bee drawne,
with great circumspection, in Cases of
Religion; So it is a thing monstrous, to
put it into the hands of the Common
People. Let that bee left vnto the
Anabaptists, and other Furies. It was great
Blasphemy, when the Deuill said; I will
ascend, and be like the Highest; But it is
greater Blasphemy, to personate God, and
bring him in saying; I will descend, and be
like the Prince of Darknesse, And what is it
better, to make the cause of Religion, to
descend, to the cruell and execrable
Actions, of Murthering Princes, Butchery
of People, and Subuersion of States, and
Gouernments? Surely, this is to bring
Downe the Holy Ghost, in stead of the
Liknesse of a Doue, in the Shape of a Vulture, or Rauen: And to set, out of the
Barke of a Christian Church, a Flagge
of a Barque of Pirats, and Assassins.
Therfore it is most necessary, that the
Church by Doctrine and Decree; Princes
by their Sword; And all Learnings, both
Christian and Morall, as by their Mercury
Rod; Doe Damne and send to Hell, for
euer, those Facts and Opinions, tending to
the Support of the same; As hath beene
already in good part done. Surely in
Counsels, Concerning Religion, that
Counsel of the Apostle would be prefixed;
Ira hominis non implet Iusticiam Dei. And
it was a notable Obseruation, of a wise
Father, And no lesse ingenuously confessed; That those, which held and perswaded,
pressure of Consciences, were commonly interessed therin, themselues, for their owne ends.
|
| 1 |
Of Reuenge.
REuenge is a kinde of Wilde Iustice; which the more Mans
Nature runs to, the more ought
Law to weed it out. For as for the first
Wrong, it doth but offend the Law; but
the Reuenge of that wrong, putteth the
Law out of Office. Certainly, in taking Reuenge, A Man is but euen with his Enemy;
But in passing it ouer, he is Superiour: For
it is a Princes part to Pardon. And Salomon, I am sure, saith, It is the glory of a
Man to passe by an offence. That which
is past, is gone, and Irreuocable; And wise
Men haue Enough to doe, with things
present, and to come: Therefore, they
doe but trifle with themselues, that labour
in past matters. There is no man, doth a
wrong, for the wrongs sake; But therby
to purchase himselfe, Profit, or Pleasure,
or Honour, or the like. Therfore why
should I be angry with a Man, for louing
himselfe better then mee? And if any
Man should doe wrong, meerely out of ill
nature, why? yet it is but like the Thorn,
or Bryar, which prick, and scratch, because
they can doe no other. The most Tolerable Sort of Reuenge, is for those wrongs
which there is no Law to remedy: But
then, let a man take heed, the Reuenge
be such, as there is no law to punish: Else,
a Mans Enemy, is still before hand, And
it is two for one. Some, when they take Reuenge, are Desirous the party should
know, whence it commeth: This is the
more Generous. For the Delight seemeth
to be, not so much in doing the Hurt, as
in Making the Party repent: But Base
and Crafty Cowards, are like the Arrow,
that flyeth in the Darke. Cosmus Duke of
Florence, had a Desperate Saying, against
Perfidious or Neglecting Friends, as if
those wrongs were vnpardonable: You
shall reade ( saith he ) that we are commanded
to forgiue our Enemies; But you neuer read,
that wee are commanded, to forgiue our
Friends. But yet the Spirit of Iob, was in
a better tune; Shall wee ( saith he ) take
good at Gods Hands, and not be content
to take euill also? And so of Friends in a
proportion. This is certaine; That a Man
that studieth Reuenge, keepes his owne
Wounds greene, which otherwise would
heale, and doe well. Publique Reuenges,
are, for the most part, Fortunate; As that
for the Death of Cæsar; For the Death
of Pertinax; for the Death of Henry the
Third of France; And many more.
But in priuate Reuenges it is not so. Nay
rather, Vindicatiue Persons liue the Life
of Witches; who as they are Mischieuous,
So end they Infortunate.
|
Of Aduersitie.
| 1 |
IT was an high speech of
Seneca, ( after the manner of the Stoickes ) That
the good things, which
belong to Prosperity, are
to be wished; but the good
things, that belong to Aduersity, are to be
admired. Bona Rerum Secundarum, Optabilia; Aduersarum, Mirabilia. Certainly if
Miracles, be the Command ouer Nature,
they appeare most in Aduersity. It is yet a
higher speech of his, then the other,
( much too high for a Heathen ) It is true
greatnesse, to haue in one, the Frailty of a
Man, & the Security of a God. Verè magnum,
habere Fragilitatem Hominis, Securitatem
Dei. This would haue done better in Poesy; where Transcendences are more allowed. And the Poets indeed, haue beene
busy with it; For it is, in effect, the thing,
which is figured in that Strange Fiction,
of the Ancient Poets, which seemeth not
to be without mystery; Nay, and to haue
some approach, to the State of a Christian: That Hercules, when hee went to
vnbinde Prometheus, ( by whom Humane
Nature is represented ) sailed the length of
the great Ocean, in an Earthen Pot, or Pitcher: Liuely describing Christian Resolution; that saileth, in the fraile Barke of
the Flesh, thorow the Waues of the World.
But to speake in a Meane. The Vertue of
Prosperitie, is Temperance; The Vertue
of Aduersity, is Fortitude: which in Morals is the more Heroicall Vertue. Prosperity is the Blessing of the Old Testament; Aduersity is the Blessing of the New;
which carrieth the greater Benediction,
and the Clearer Reuelation of Gods Fauour. Yet, euen in the old Testament, if
you Listen to Dauids Harpe, you shall
heare as many Herselike Ayres, as Carols:
And the Pencill of the holy Ghost, hath
laboured more, in describing, the
Afflictions of Iob, then the Felicities of Salomon. Prosperity is not without many
Feares and Distastes; And Aduersity is not
without Comforts and Hopes. Wee see in
Needle-workes, and Imbroideries, It is
more pleasing, to haue a Liuely Worke,
vpon a Sad and Solemne Ground; then
to haue a Darke and Melancholy Worke,
vpon a Lightsome Ground: Iudge therfore, of the Pleasure of the Heart, by the
Pleasure of the Eye. Certainly, Vertue is
like pretious Odours, most fragrant, when
they are incensed, or crushed: For Prosperity doth best discouer Vice; But Aduersity
doth best discouer Vertue.
|
Of Simulation
And
Dissimulation.
| 1 |
DIssimulation is but a faint kind
of Policy, or Wisdome; For
it asketh a strong Wit, and
a strong Heart, to know,
when to tell Truth, and to doe it. Therfore it is the weaker Sort of Politicks, that
are the great Dissemblers.
|
| 2 |
Tacitus saith; Liuia sorted well, with the
Arts of her Husband, & Dissimulation of her
Sonne: Attributing Arts or Policy to Augustus, and Dissimulation to Tiberius. And
againe, when Mucianus Encourageth Vespasian, to take Arms against Vitellius, he
saith; We rise not, against the Piercing Iudgment of Augustus, nor the Extreme Caution
or Closenesse of Tiberius. These Properties
of Arts or Policy, and Dissimulation or
Closenesse, are indeed Habits and Faculties, seuerall, and to be distinguished. For
if a Man, haue that Penetration of Iudgment, as he can discerne, what Things are
to be laid open, and what to be secretted,
and what to be shewed at Halfe lights, and
to whom, and when, ( which indeed are
Arts of State, and Arts of Life, as Tacitus
well calleth them ) to him, A Habit of
Dissimulation, is a Hinderance, and a
Poorenesse. But if a Man cannot obtaine
to that Iudgment, then it is left to him,
generally, to be Close, and a Dissembler.
For where a Man cannot choose, or vary
in Particulars, there it is good to take
the safest and wariest Way in generall;
Like the Going softly by one that cannot
well see. Certainly the ablest Men, that
euer were, haue had all an Opennesse,
and Francknesse of dealing; And a name
of Certainty, and Veracity; But then they
were like Horses, well mannaged; For
they could tell passing well, when to stop,
or turne: And at such times, when they
thought the Case indeed, required Dissimulation, if then they vsed it, it came to
passe, that the former Opinion, spred
abroad of their good Faith, and Clearnesse
of dealing, made them almost Inuisible.
|
| 3 |
There be three degrees, of this Hiding,
and Vailing of a Mans Selfe. The first
Closenesse, Reseruation, and Secrecy; when
a Man leaueth himselfe without Obseruation, or without Hold to be taken, what
he is. The second Dissimulation, in the Negatiue; when a man lets fall Signes, and
Arguments, that he is not, that he is. And
the third Simulation, in the Affirmatiue;
when a Man industriously, and expressely,
faigns, and pretends to be, that he is not.
|
| 4 |
For the first of these, Secrecy: It is indeed, the Vertue of a Confessour; And
assuredly, the Secret Man, heareth many
Confessions; For who will open himselfe, to a Blab or a Babler? But if a man be
thought Secret, it inuiteth Discouerie; As
the more Close Aire, sucketh in the more
Open: And as in Confession, the Reuealing is not for worldly vse, but for the
Ease of a Mans Heart, so Secret Men come
to Knowledge of Many Things, in that
kinde; while Men rather discharge their
Mindes, then impart their Mindes. In
few words, Mysteries are due to Secrecy.
Besides ( to say Truth ) Nakednesse is vncomely, as well in Minde, as Body; and
it addeth no small Reuerence, to Mens
Manners, and Actions, if they be not altogether Open. As for Talkers and Futile
Persons, they are commonly Vaine, and
Credulous withall. For He that talketh,
what he knoweth, will also talke, what
he knoweth not. Therfore set it downe;
That an Habit of Secrecy, is both Politick,
and Morall. And in this Part, it is good,
that a Mans Face, giue his Tongue, leaue
to Speake. For the Discouery, of a Mans
Selfe, by the Tracts of his Countenance,
is a great Weaknesse, and Betraying; By
how much, it is many times, more
marked and beleeued, then a Mans words.
|
| 5 |
For the Second, which is Dissimulation.
It followeth many times vpon Secrecy,
by a necessity: So that, he that will be
Secret, must be a Dissembler, in some degree.
For Men are too cunning, to suffer a Man,
to keepe an indifferent carriage, betweene
both, and to be Secret, without Swaying
the Ballance, on either side. They will so
beset a man with Questions, and draw
him on, and picke it out of him, that without an absurd Silence, he must shew an
Inclination, one way; Or if he doe not,
they will gather as much by his Silence, as
by his Speech. As for Equiuocations, or
Oraculous Speeches, they cannot hold
out long. So that no man can be secret,
except he giue himselfe a little Scope of
Dissimulation; which is, as it were, but
the Skirts or Traine of Secrecy.
|
| 6 |
But for the third Degree, which is Simulation, and false Profession; That I hold
more culpable, and lesse politicke; except
it be in great and rare Matters. And therefore a generall Custome of Simulation
( which is this last Degree ) is a Vice, rising,
either of a naturall Falsenesse, or Fearefulnesse; Or of a Minde, that hath some
maine Faults; which because a man must
needs disguise, it maketh him practise Simulation, in other things, lest his Hand
should be out of vre.
|
| 7 |
The great Aduantages of Simulation and
Dissimulation are three. First to lay asleepe
Opposition, and to Surprize. For where
a Mans Intentions, are published, it is an
Alarum, to call vp, all that are against
them. The second is, to reserue to a Mans
Selfe, a faire Retreat: For if a man engage
himselfe, by a manifest Declaration, he
must goe through, or take a Fall. The
third is, the better to discouer the Minde
of another. For to him that opens himselfe, Men will hardly shew themselues
aduerse; but will ( faire ) let him goe on,
and turne their Freedome of Speech, to
Freedome of thought. And therefore, it
is a good shrewd Prouerbe of the Spaniard; Tell a lye, and finde a Troth. As if there
were no way of Discouery, but by Simulation. There be also three Disaduantages,
to set it euen. The first, That Simulation and
Dissimulation, commonly carry with
them, a Shew of Fearfulnesse, which in
any Businesse, doth spoile the Feathers, of
round flying vp to the Mark. The second,
that it pusleth and perplexeth the Conceits
of many; that perhaps would otherwise
co-operate with him; and makes a Man
walke, almost alone, to his owne Ends.
The third, and greatest is, that it depriueth a Man, of one, of the most principall
Instruments for Action; which is Trust
and Beleefe. The best Composition, and
Temperature is, to haue Opennesse in
Fame and Opinion; Secrecy in Habit;
Dissimulation in seasonable vse; And a
Power to faigne, if there be no Remedy.
|
Of Parents and Children.
| 1 |
THe Ioyes of Parents are Secret; And so are their Griefes,
and Feares: They cannot vtter the one; Nor they will not
vtter the other. Children sweeten Labours;
But they make Misfortunes more bitter:
They increase the Cares of Life; but they
mitigate the Remembrance of Death. The
Perpetuity by Generation is common to
Beasts; But Memory, Merit, and Noble
workes, are proper to Men: And surely a
Man shall see, the Noblest workes, and
Foundations, haue proceeded from Childlesse Men; which haue sought to expresse
the Images of their Minds; where those of
their Bodies haue failed: So the care of
Posterity, is most in them, that haue no
Posterity. They that are the first Raisers
of their Houses, are most Indulgent towards their Children; Beholding them, as
the Continuance, not only of their kinde,
but of their Worke; And so both Children,
and Creatures.
|
| 2 |
The difference in Affection, of Parents,
towards their seuerall Children, is many
times vnequall; And sometimes vnworthy; Especially in the mother; As Salomon saith; A wise sonne reioyceth the Father; but an vngracious sonne shames the
Mother. A Man shall see, where there is
a House full of Children, one or two, of
the Eldest, respected, and the Youngest
made wantons; But in the middest, some
that are, as it were forgotten, who, man
times, neuerthelesse, proue the best. The
Illiberalitie of Parents, in allowance towards their Children, is an harmefull Errour; Makes them base; Acquaints them
with Shifts; Makes them sort with meane
Company; And makes them surfet more,
when they come to Plenty: And therefore, the Proofe is best, when Men keepe
their Authority towards their Children,
but not their Purse. Men haue a foolish
manner ( both Parents, and Schoole-masters, and Seruants ) in creating and breeding an Emulation between Brothers, during Childhood, which many times sorteth to Discord, when they are Men; And
disturbeth Families. The Italians make
little difference betweene Children, and
Nephewes, or neere Kinsfolkes; But so
they be of the Lumpe, they care not,
though they passe not through their
owne Body. And, to say Truth, in Nature, it is much a like matter; In so much,
that we see a Nephew, sometimes, resembleth an Vncle, or a Kinsman, more
then his owne Parent; As the Bloud happens. Let Parents choose betimes, the
Vocations, and Courses, they meane
their Children should take; For then they
are most flexible; And let them not too
much apply themselues, to the Disposition of their Children, as thinking they will
take best to that, which they haue most
Minde to. It is true, that if the Affection
or Aptnesse of the Children, be Extraordinary, then it is good, not to crosse it,
But generally, the Precept is good; Optimum elige, suaue & facile illud faciet Consuetudo. Younger Brothers are commonly Fortunate, but seldome or neuer, where
the Elder are disinherited.
|
Of Marriage
And
Single Life.
| 1 |
HE that hath Wife and Children,
hath giuen Hostages to Fortune; For they are Impediments, to great Enterprises,
either of Vertue, or Mischiefe. Certainly,
the best workes, and of greatest Merit for
the Publike, haue proceeded from the
vnmarried, or Childlesse Men; which,
both in Affection, and Meanes, haue
married and endowed the Publike. Yet
it were great Reason, that those that haue
Children, should haue greatest care of future times; vnto which, they know, they
must transmit, their dearest pledges. Some
there are, who though they lead a Single
Life, yet their Thoughts doe end with
themselues, and account future Times,
Impertinences. Nay, there are some other,
that account Wife and Children, but as
Bills of charges. Nay more, there are some
foolish rich couetous Men, that take a
pride in hauing no Children, because they
may be thought, so much the richer. For
perhaps, they haue heard some talke; Such
an one is a great rich Man; And another except to it; Yea, but he hath a great charge
of Children: As if it were an Abatement
to his Riches. But the most ordinary
cause of a Single Life, is Liberty; especially, in certaine Selfe-pleasing, and humorous Mindes, which are so sensible
of euery restraint, as they will goe neare,
to thinke their Girdles, and Garters, to be
Bonds and Shackles. Vnmarried Men are
best Friends; best Masters; best Seruants;
but not alwayes best Subiects; For
they are light to runne away; And almost
all Fugitiues are of that Condition. A Single Life doth well with Church men: For
Charity will hardly water the Ground,
where it must first fill a Poole. It is
indifferent for Iudges and Magistrates: For
if they be facile, and corrupt, you shall
haue a Seruant, fiue times worse than a
Wife. For Souldiers, I finde the Generalls
commonly in their Hortatiues, put Men
in minde of their Wiues and Children: And
I thinke the Despising of Marriage, amongst the Turkes, maketh the vulgar
souldier more base. Certainly, Wife and
Children, are a kinde of Discipline of Humanity: And single Men, though they be
many times more Charitable, because
their Meanes are lesse exhaust; yet, on the
other side, they are more cruell, and hard
hearted, ( good to make seuere Inquisitors ) because their Tendernesse, is not
so oft called vpon. Graue Natures, led by
Custome, and therfore constant, are commonly louing Husbands; As was said of
Vlysses; Vetulam suam prætulit Immortalitati. Chast Women are often Proud, and
froward, as Presuming vpon the merit of
their Chastity. It is one of the best Bonds,
both of Chastity and Obedience, in the
Wife, if She thinke her Husband Wise;
which She will neuer doe, if She finde
him Iealous. Wiues are young Mens Mistresses; Companions for middle Age;
and old Mens Nurses. So as a Man may
haue a Quarrell to marry, when he will.
But yet, he was reputed one of the wise
Men, that made Answer to the Question; When a Man should marry? A
young Man not yet, an Elder Man not at
all. It is often seene, that bad Husbands,
haue very good Wiues; whether it be,
that it rayseth the Price of their Husbands
Kindnesse, when it comes; Or that the
Wiues take a Pride, in their Patience. But
this neuer failes, if the bad Husbands were
of their owne choosing, against their
Friends consent; For then, they will be
sure, to make good their owne Folly.
|
Of Enuy.
| 1 |
THere be none of the Affections, which haue beene noted to fascinate, or bewitch,
but Loue, and Enuy. They
both haue vehement wishes;
They frame themselues readily into Imaginations, and Suggestions; And they
come easily into the Eye; especially vpon
the presence of the Obiects; which are
the Points, that conduce to Fascination,
if any such Thing there be. We see likewise, the Scripture calleth Enuy, An Euill
Eye: And the Astrologers, call the euill
Influences of the Starrs, Euill Aspects; So
that still, there seemeth to be acknowledged, in the Act of Enuy, an Eiaculation,
or Irradiation of the Eye. Nay some haue
beene so curious, as to note, that the
Times, when the Stroke, or Percussion
of an Enuious Eye doth most hurt, are,
when the Party enuied is beheld in Glory,
or Triumph; For that sets an Edge vpon
Enuy; And besides, at such times, the
Spirits of the person Enuied, doe come
forth, most into the outward Parts, and
so meet the Blow.
|
| 2 |
But leauing these Curiosities, ( though
not vnworthy, to be thought on, in fit
place, ) wee will handle, what Persons
are apt to Enuy others; What persons are
most Subiect to be Enuied themselues; And,
What is the Difference between Publique,
and priuate Enuy.
|
| 3 |
A man, that hath no vertue in himselfe, euer enuieth Vertue in others. For
Mens Mindes, will either feed vpon their
owne Good, or vpon others Euill; And
who wanteth the one, wil prey vpon the
other; And who so is out of Hope to
attaine to anothers Vertue, will seeke to
come at euen hand, by Depressing an
others Fortune.
|
| 4 |
A man that is Busy, and Inquisitiue,
is commonly Enuious: For to know
much of other Men s Matters, cannot be,
because all that Adoe may concerne
his owne Estate: Therfore it must needs
be, that he taketh a kinde of plaie-pleasure, in looking vpon the Fortunes of others; Neither can he, that mindeth but
his own Businesse, finde much matter for
Enuy. For Enuy is a Gadding Passion, and
walketh the Streets, and doth not keepe
home; Non est curiosus, quin idem sit maleuolus.
|
| 5 |
Men of Noble birth, are noted, to be
enuious towards New Men, when they
rise. For the distance is altered; And it is
like a deceipt of the Eye, that when others come on, they thinke themselues
goe backe.
|
| 6 |
Deformed Persons, and Eunuches,
and Old Men, and Bastards, are Enuious:
For he that cannot possibly mend his
owne case, will doe what he can to impaire anothers; Except these Defects light,
vpon a very braue, and Heroicall Nature; which thinketh to make his Naturall Wants, part of his Honour: In that
it should be said, that an Eunuch, or a
Lame Man, did such great Matters; Affecting the Honour of a Miracle; as it
was in Narses the Eunuch, and Agesilaus,
and Tamberlanes, that were Lame men.
|
| 7 |
The same, is the Case of Men, that rise
after Calamities, and Misfortunes; For
they are, as Men fallen out with the times;
And thinke other Mens Harmes, a Redemption, of their owne Sufferings.
|
| 8 |
They, that desire to excell in too many
Matters, out of Leuity, and Vaine glory,
are euer Enuious; For they cannot want
worke; It being impossible, but many,
in some one of those Things, should surpasse them. Which was the Character of
Adrian the Emperour, that mortally Enuied Poets, and Painters, and Artificers, in
Works, wherein he had a veine to excell.
|
| 9 |
Lastly, neare Kinsfolks, and Fellowes
in Office, and those that haue beene bred
together, are more apt to Enuy their Equals, when they are raised. For it doth
vpbraid vnto them, their owne Fortunes;
And pointeth at them, and commeth
oftner into their remembrance, and incurreth likewise more into the note of others:
And Enuy euer redoubleth from Speech
and Fame. Cains Enuy, was the more vile,
and Malignant, towards his brother
Abel; Because, when his Sacrifice was
better accepted, there was no Body to
looke on. Thus much for those that are
apt to Enuy.
|
| 10 |
Concerning those that are more or lesse
subiect to Enuy: First, Persons of eminent
Vertue, when they are aduanced, are lesse
enuied. For their Fortune seemeth but
due vnto them; and no man Enuieth the
Payment of a Debt, but Rewards, and Liberality rather. Againe, Enuy is euer ioyned, with the Comparing of a Mans Selfe;
And where there is no Comparison, no
Enuy; And therfore Kings, are not enuied,
but by Kings. Neuerthelesse, it is to be
noted, that vnworthy Persons, are most
enuied, at their first comming in, and afterwards ouercome it better; wheras contrariwise, Persons of Worth, and Merit,
are most enuied, when their Fortune
continueth long. For by that time, though
their Vertue be the same, yet it hath not
the same Lustre; For fresh Men grow vp,
that darken it.
|
| 11 |
Persons of Noble Bloud, are lesse enuied,
in their Rising: For it seemeth, but Right,
done to their Birth. Besides, there seemeth not much added to their Fortune;
And Enuy is as the Sunne Beames, that
beat hotter, vpon a Bank or steepe rising
Ground; then vpon a Flat. And for the
same reason, those that are aduanced by
degrees, are lesse enuied, then those that
are aduanced suddainly, and per saltum.
|
| 12 |
Those that haue ioyned with their Honour, great Trauels, Cares, or Perills, are
lesse subiect to Enuy. For Men thinke, that
they earne their Honours hardly, and
pitty them so
metimes; And Pitty, euer
healeth Enuy: Wherefore, you shall obserue that the more deepe, and sober
sort of Politique persons, in their Greatnesse, are euer bemoaning themselues,
what a Life they lead; Chanting a Quanta
patimur. Not that they feele it so, but onely
to abate the Edge of Enuy. But this is to
be vnderstood, of Businesse, that is laid
vpon Men, and not such as they call vnto
themselues. For Nothing increaseth Enuy
more, then an vnnecessary, and Ambitious Ingrossing of Businesse. And nothing doth extinguish Enuy more, then
for a great Person, to preserue all other inferiour Officers, in their full Rights, and
Preheminences, of their Places. For by that
meanes, there be so many Skreenes betweene him, and Enuy.
|
| 13 |
Aboue all, those are most subiect to
Enuy, which carry the Greatnesse of their
Fortunes, in an insolent and proud Manner: Being neuer well, but while they are
shewing, how great they are, Either by
outward Pompe, or by Triumphing ouer
all Opposition, or Competition; whereas Wise men will rather doe sacrifice to
Enuy; in suffering themselues, sometimes
of purpose to be crost, and ouerborne in
things, that doe not much concerne
them. Notwithstanding, so much is true;
That the Carriage of Greatnesse, in a
plaine and open manner ( so it be without
Arrogancy, and Vaine glory ) doth draw
lesse Enuy, then if it be in a more crafty,
and cunning fashion. For in that course,
a Man doth but disauow Fortune; And
seemeth to be conscious, of his owne
want in worth; And doth but teach others to Enuy him.
|
| 14 |
Lastly, to conclude this Part; As we said
in the beginning, that the Act of Enuy,
had somewhat in it, of Witchcraft; so
there is no other Cure of Enuy, but the
cure of Witchcraft: And that is, to remoue the Lot ( as they call it ) and to lay it vpon another. For which purpose, the wiser
Sort of great Persons, bring in euer vpon
the Stage, some Body, vpon whom to deriue the Enuie, that would come vpon
themselues; Sometimes vpon Ministers,
and Seruants; Sometimes vpon Colleagues and Associates; and the like; And
for that turne, there are neuer wanting,
some Persons of violent and vndertaking
Natures, who so they may haue Power,
and Businesse, will take it at any Cost.
|
| 15 |
Now to speake of Publique Enuy.
There is yet some good in Publique Enuy;
whereas in Priuate, there is none. For
Publique Enuy is as an Ostracisme, that
eclipseth Men, when they grow too great.
And therefore it is a Bridle also to Great
Ones, to keepe them within Bounds.
|
| 16 |
This Enuy, being in the Latine word
Inuidia, goeth in the Moderne languages,
by the name of Discontentment: Of which
we shall speake in handling Sedition. It is
a disease, in a State, like to Infection. For
as Infection, spreadeth vpon that, which
is sound, and tainteth it; So when Enuy,
is gotten once into a State, it traduceth
euen the best Actions thereof, and turneth them into an ill Odour. And therefore, there is little won by intermingling
of plausible Actions. For that doth argue,
but a Weaknesse, and Feare of Enuy,
which hurteth so much the more, as it is
likewise vsuall in Infections; which if you
feare them, you call them vpon you.
|
| 17 |
This publique Enuy, seemeth to beat
chiefly, vpon principall Officers, or
Ministers, rather then vpon Kings, & Estates
themselues. But this is a sure Rule, that if
the Enuy vpon the Minister, be great, when
the cause of it, in him, is smal; or if the Enuy
be generall, in a manner, vpon all the Ministers of an Estate; then the Enuy ( though
hidden ) is truly vpon the State it selfe.
And so much of publike enuy or discontentment, & the difference therof from Priuate
Enuy, which was handled in the first place.
|
| 18 |
We will adde this, in generall, touching
the Affection of Enuy; that of all other Affections, it is the most importune, and
continuall. For of other Affections, there
is occasion giuen, but now and then:
And therefore, it was well said, Inuidia
festos dies non agit. For it is euer working
vpon some, or other. And it is also noted,
that Loue and Enuy, doe make a man
pine, which other Affections doe not;
because they are not so continuall. It is
also the vilest Affection, and the most depraued; For which cause, it is the proper
Attribute of the Deuill, who is called; The
Enuious Man, that soweth tares amongst the
wheat by night. As it alwayes commeth
to passe, that Enuy worketh subtilly, and
in the darke; And to the preiudice of
good things, such as is the Wheat.
|
Of Loue.
| 1 |
THe Stage is more beholding to Loue, then the
Life of Man. For as to
the Stage, Loue is euer
matter of Comedies, and
now and then of Tragedies: But in Life,
it doth much mischiefe: Sometimes like
a Syren; Sometimes like a Fury. You
may obserue, that amongst all the great
and worthy Persons, ( whereof the memory remaineth, either Ancient or Recent ) there is not One, that hath beene
transported, to the mad degree of Loue:
which shewes, that great Spirits, and
great Businesse, doe keepe out this weake
Passion. You must except, neuerthelesse,
Marcus Antonius the halfe Partner of the
Empire of Rome; and Appius Claudius the
Decemuir, and Law-giuer: Whereof the
former, was indeed a Voluptuous Man,
and Inordinate; but the latter, was an
Austere, and wise man: And therefore it
seemes ( though rarely ) that Loue can
finde entrance, not only into an open
Heart; but also into a Heart well fortified; if watch be not well kept. It is
a poore Saying of Epicurus; Satis magnum
Alter Alteri Theatrum sumus: As if Man,
made for the contemplation of Heauen,
and all Noble Obiects, should doe nothing, but kneele before a little Idoll, and
make himselfe subiect, though not of the
Mouth ( as Beasts are ) yet of the Eye;
which was giuen him for higher Purposes. It is a strange Thing, to note the Excesse of this Passion; And how it braues,
the Nature, and value of things; by this,
that the Speaking in a perpetuall
Hyperbole, is comely in nothing, but in Loue.
Neither is it meerely in the Phrase; For
whereas it hath beene well said, that the
Arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty
Flatterers haue Intelligence, is a Mans
Selfe; Certainly, the Louer is more. For
there was neuer Proud Man, thought so
absurdly well of himselfe, as the Louer
doth of the Person loued: And therefore,
it was well said; That it is impossible to
loue, and to be wise. Neither doth this
weaknesse appeare to others onely, and
not to the Party Loued; But to the Loued,
most of all: except the Loue be reciproque. For, it is a true Rule, that Loue
is euer rewarded, either with the Reciproque, or with an inward, and secret
Contempt. By how much the more,
Men ought to beware of this Passion,
which loseth not only other things, but
it selfe. As for the other losses, the Poets
Relation, doth well figure them; That
he that preferred Helena, quitted the
Gifts of Iuno, and Pallas. For whosoeuer
esteemeth too much of Amorous
Affection, quitteth both Riches, and Wisedome. This Passion, hath his Flouds, in
the very times of Weaknesse; which are,
great Prosperitie; and great Aduersitie;
though this latter hath beene lesse obserued. Both which times kindle Loue, and
make it more feruent, and therefore shew
it to be the Childe of Folly. They doe
best, who, if they cannot but admit
Loue, yet make it keepe Quarter: And
seuer it wholly, from their serious Affaires, and Actions of life: For if it
checke once with Businesse, it troubleth
Mens Fortunes, and maketh Men, that
they can, no wayes be true, to their owne
Ends. I know not how, but Martiall
Men, are giuen to Loue: I thinke it is,
but as they are giuen to Wine; For Perils,
commonly aske, to be paid in Pleasures.
There is in Mans Nature, a secret Inclination, and Motion, towards loue of others;
which, if it be not spent, vpon some one,
or a few, doth naturally spread it selfe,
towards many; and maketh men become
Humane and Charitable; As it is seene
sometime in Friars. Nuptiall loue maketh
Mankinde; Friendly loue perfecteth it;
but Wanton loue Corrupteth, and Imbaseth it.
|
Of Great Place.
| 1 |
MEn in Great Place, are thrice
Seruants: Seruants of the Soueraigne or State; Seruants of Fame; and Seruants of
Businesse. So as they haue no Freedome;
neither in their Persons; nor in their Actions; nor in their Times. It is a strange
desire, to seeke Power, and to lose Libertie;
Or to seeke Power ouer others, and to
loose Power ouer a Mans Selfe. The Rising vnto Place is Laborious; And by
Paines Men come to greater Paines; And
it is sometimes base; And by Indignities,
Men come to Dignities. The standing is
slippery, and the Regresse, is either a
downefall, or at least an Eclipse, which
is a Melancholy Thing. Cùm non sis, qui
fueris, non esse, cur velis viuere. Nay, retire
Men cannot, when they would; neither
will they, when it were Reason: But are
impatient of priuatenesse, euen in Age,
and Sicknesse, which require the Shadow:
Like old Townesmen, that will be still
sitting at their Street doore; though thereby they, offer Age to Scorne. Certainly
Great Persons, had need to borrow other
Mens Opinions; to thinke themselues
happy; For if they iudge by their owne
Feeling; they cannot finde it: But if they
thinke with themselues, what other men
thinke of them, and that other men
would faine be as they are, then they are
happy, as it were by report; When perhaps they finde the Contrary within. For
they are the first, that finde their owne
Griefs; though they be the last, that finde
their owne Faults. Certainly, Men in
Great Fortunes, are strangers to
themselues, and while they are in the pusle
of businesse, they haue no time to tend
their Health, either of Body, or Minde.
Illi Mors grauis incubat, qui notus nimis omnibus, ignotus moritur sibi. In Place, There
is License to doe Good, and Euill; wherof the latter is a Curse; For in Euill, the
best condition is, not to will; The Second,
not to Can. But Power to doe good, is
the true and lawfull End of Aspiring. For
good Thoughts ( though God accept
them, ) yet towards men, are little better
then good Dreames; Except they be put
in Act; And that cannot be without
Power, and Place; As the Vantage, and
Commanding Ground. Merit, and good
Works, is the End of Mans Motion; And
Conscience of the same, is the Accomplishment of Mans Rest. For if a Man,
can be Partaker of Gods Theater, he shall
likewise be Partaker of Gods Rest. Et
conuersus Deus, vt aspiceret Opera, quæ
fecerunt manus suæ, vidit quod omnia essent
bona nimis; And then the Sabbath. In the
Discharge of thy Place, set before thee
the best Examples; For Imitation, is a
Globe of Precepts. And after a time, set
before thee, thine owne Example; And
examine thy selfe strictly, whether thou
didst not best at first. Neglect not also
the Examples of those, that haue carried
themselues ill, in the same Place: Not to
set off thy selfe, by taxing their Memory;
but to direct thy selfe, what to auoid.
Reforme therfore, without Brauerie, or
Scandall, of former Times, and Persons;
but yet set it downe to thy selfe, as well to
create good Presidents, as to follow
them. Reduce things, to the first Institution, and obserue, wherin, and how,
they haue degenerate; but yet aske
Counsell of both Times; Of the Ancient Time, what is best; and of the Latter Time, what is fittest. Seeke to make
thy Course Regular; that Men may
know before hand, what they may expect: But be not too positiue, and peremptorie; And expresse thy selfe well,
when thou digressest from thy Rule.
Preserue the Right of thy Place; but stirre
not questions of Iurisdiction: And rather assume thy Right, in Silence, and
de facto, then voice it, with Claimes and
Challenges. Preserue likewise, the Rights
of Inferiour Places; And thinke it more
Honour to direct in chiefe, then to be
busie in all. Embrace, and inuite Helps,
and Aduices, touching the Execution of
thy Place; And doe not driue away such,
as bring thee Information, as Medlers;
but accept of them in good part. The vices of Authoritie are chiefly foure: Delaies; Corruption; Roughnesse; and Facilitie. For Delaies; Giue easie Accesse;
Keepe times appointed; Goe through
with that which is in hand; And interlace not businesse, but of necessitie. For
Corruption; Doe not onely binde thine
owne Hands, or thy Seruants hands, from
taking; but binde the hands of Sutours
also from offring. For Integritie vsed doth
the one; but Integritie professed, and
with a manifest detestation of Bribery,
doth the other. And auoid not onely the
Fault, but the Suspicion. Whosoeuer is
found variable, and changeth manifestly,
without manifest Cause, giueth Suspicion of Corruption. Therefore, alwayes,
when thou changest thine Opinion, or
Course, professe it plainly, and declare it,
together with the Reasons, that moue
thee to change; And doe not thinke to
steale it. A Seruant, or a Fauorite, if hee
be inward, and no other apparant Cause
of Esteeme, is commonly thought but a
By-way, to close Corruption. For Roughnesse; It is a needlesse cause of Discontent:
Seueritie breedeth Feare, but Roughnesse
breedeth Hate. Euen Reproofes from
Authoritie, ought to be Graue, and not
Taunting. As for Facilitie; It is worse
then Bribery. For Bribes come but now
and then; But if Importunitie, or Idle
Respects lead a Man, he shall neuer be
without. As Salomon saith; To respect
Persons, is not good; For such a man will
transgresse for a peece of Bread. It is most
true, that was anciently spoken; A place
sheweth the Man: And it sheweth some
to the better, and some to the worse:
Omnium consensu, capax Imperij, nisi imperasset; saith Tacitus of
Galba: but of Vespasian he
saith; Solus Imperantium Vespasianus mutatus in melius. Though the
one was meant of Sufficiencie, the other
of Manners, and Affection. It is an assured Signe, of a worthy and generous
Spirit, whom Honour amends. For Honour is, or should be, the Place of Vertue:
And as in Nature, Things moue violently to their Place, and calmely in their
Place: So Vertue in Ambition is violent, in Authoritie setled and calme.
All Rising to Great Place, is by a winding Staire: And if there be Factions,
it is good, to side a Mans selfe, whilest
hee is in the Rising: and to ballance
Himselfe, when hee is placed. Vse the
Memory of thy Predecessour fairely, and
tenderly; For if thou dost not, it is a
Debt, will sure be paid, when thou art
gone. If thou haue Colleagues, respect
them, and rather call them, when they
looke not for it, then exclude them,
when they haue reason to looke to be
called. Be not too sensible, or too remembring, of thy Place, in Conuersation, and priuate Answers to Suitors;
But let it rather be said; When he sits in
Place, he is another Man.
|
Of Boldnesse.
| 1 |
IT is a triuiall Grammar
Schoole Text, but yet
worthy a wise Mans
Consideration. Question was asked of Demosthenes; What was
the Chiefe Part of an Oratour? He answered, Action; what next? Action; what next
again? Action. He said it, that knew it best;
And had by nature, himselfe, no Aduantage, in that he commended. A strange
thing, that that Part of an Oratour, which
is but superficiall, and rather the vertue
of a Player; should be placed so high, aboue those other Noble Parts, of Inuention, Elocution, and the rest: Nay almost
alone, as if it were All in All. But the Reason is plaine. There is in Humane Nature,
generally, more of the Foole, then of the
Wise; And therfore those faculties, by
which the Foolish part of Mens Mindes
is taken, are most potent. Wonderfull
like is the Case of Boldnesse, in Ciuill Businesse; What first? Boldnesse; What Second, and Third? Boldnesse. And yet
Boldnesse is a Childe of Ignorance, and
Basenesse, farre inferiour to other Parts.
But neuerthelesse, it doth fascinate, and
binde hand and foot, those, that are either shallow in Iudgment; or weake in
Courage, which are the greatest Part; Yea
and preuaileth with wise men, at weake
times. Therfore, we see it hath done
wonders, in Popular States; but with
Senates and Princes lesse; And more,
euer vpon the first entrance of Bold Persons into Action, then soone after; For
Boldnesse is an ill keeper of promise. Surely, as there are Mountebanques for the Naturall Body: So are there Mountebanques for
the Politique Body: Men that vndertake
great Cures; And perhaps haue been Lucky, in two or three Experiments, but want
the Grounds of Science; And therfore
cannot hold out. Nay you shall see a Bold
Fellow, many times, doe Mahomets Miracle. Mahomet made the People beleeue,
that he would call an Hill to him; And
from the Top of it, offer vp his Praiers,
for the Obseruers of his Law. The People
assembled; Mahomet cald the Hill to
come to him, againe, and againe; And
when the Hill stood still, he was neuer a
whit abashed, but said; If the Hill will not
come to Mahomet, Mahomet wil go to the hil.
So these Men, when they haue promised
great Matters, and failed most shamefully,
( yet if they haue the perfection of Boldnesse ) they will but slight it ouer, and
make a turne, and no more adoe. Certainly, to Men of great Iudgment, Bold Persons, are a Sport to behold; Nay and to
the Vulgar also, Boldnesse hath somewhat
of the Ridiculous. For if Absurdity be
the Subiect of Laughter, doubt you not,
but great Boldnesse is seldome without
some Absurdity. Especially, it is a Sport
to see, when a Bold Fellow is out of Countenance; For that puts his Face, into a
most Shruncken, and woodden Posture; As needes it must; For in Bashfulnesse, the Spirits doe a little goe and
come; but with Bold Men, vpon like
occasion, they stand at a stay; Like a Stale
at Chesse, where it is no Mate, but yet
the Game cannot stirre. But this last, were
fitter for a Satyre, then for a serious Obseruation. This is well to be weighed;
That Boldnesse is euer blinde: For it seeth
not dangers, and Inconueniences. Therfore, it is ill in Counsell, good in Execution: So that the right Vse of Bold persons is, that they neuer Command in
Chiefe, but be Seconds, and vnder the
Direction of others. For in Counsell, it is
good to see dangers; And in Execution,
not to see them, except they be very great.
|
Of Goodnesse And Goodnesse of Nature.
| 1 |
I Take Goodnesse in this
Sense, the affecting of
the Weale of Men,
which is that the Grecians call Philanthropia; And the word Humanitie ( as it is vsed ) is a little too light,
to expresse it. Goodnesse I call the Habit,
and Goodnesse of Nature the Inclination.
This of all Vertues, and Dignities of the
Minde, is the greatest; being the Character of the Deitie: And without it, Man
is a Busie, Mischieuous, Wretched Thing;
No better then a Kinde of Vermine.
Goodnesse answers to the Theologicall Vertue Charitie, and admits no Excesse, but
Errour. The desire of Power in Excesse,
caused the Angels to fall; The desire of
Knowledge in Excesse, caused Man to
fall; But in Charity, there is no Excesse;
Neither can Angell, or Man, come in
danger by it. The Inclination to Goodnesse, is imprinted deepely in the Nature
of Man: In so much, that if it issue not
towards Men, it will take vnto Other Liuing Creatures: As it is seen in the Turks,
a Cruell People, who neuerthelesse, are
kinde to Beasts, and giue Almes to Dogs,
and Birds: In so much, as Busbechius reporteth; A Christian Boy in Constantinople, had like to haue been stoned, for gagging, in a waggishnesse, a long Billed
Fowle. Errours, indeed, in this vertue of
Goodnesse, or Charity, may be committed.
The Italians haue an vngracious Prouerb;
Tanto buon che val niente: So good, that he
is good for nothing. And one of the Doctors of Italy, Nicholas Macciauel, had
the confidence to put in writing, almost
in plaine Termes: That the Christian Faith,
had giuen vp Good Men, in prey, to those,
that are Tyrannicall, and vniust. Which
he spake, because indeed there was neuer
Law, or Sect, or Opinion, did so much
magnifie Goodnesse, as the Christian Religion doth. Therfore to auoid the Scandall, and the Danger both; it is good to
take knowledge, of the Errours, of an
Habit, so excellent. Seeke the Good of
other Men, but be not in bondage, to
their Faces, or Fancies; For that is but
Facilitie, or Softnesse; which taketh an
honest Minde Prisoner. Neither giue
thou AEsops Cocke a Gemme, who would
be better pleased, and happier, if he had
had a Barly Corne. The Example of God
teacheth the Lesson truly: He sendeth his
Raine, and maketh his Sunne to shine, vpon the
Iust, and Vniust; But hee doth not
raine Wealth, nor shine Honour, and
Vertues, vpon Men equally. Common
Benefits, are to be communicate with
all; But peculiar Benefits, with choice.
And beware, how in making the Portraiture, thou breakest the Patterne: For
Diuinitie maketh the Loue of our Selues
the Patterne; The Loue of our Neighbours but the Portraiture. Sell all thou
hast, and giue it to the poore, and follow
mee:But sell not all thou hast, except
thou come, and follow mee; That is,
except thou haue a Vocation, wherin
thou maist doe as much good, with little
meanes, as with great: For otherwise, in
feeding the Streames, thou driest the
Fountaine. Neither is there only a Habit
of Goodnesse, directed by right Reason;
but there is, in some Men, euen in Nature, a Disposition towards it: As on the
other side, there is a Naturall Malignitie.
For there be, that in their Nature, doe not
affect the Good of Others. The lighter
Sort of Malignitie, turneth but to a Crosnesse, or Frowardnesse, or Aptnesse to oppose, or Difficilnesse, or the like; but the
deeper Sort, to Enuy, and meere Mischiefe. Such Men, in other mens Calamities, are, as it were, in season, and are
euer on the loading Part; Not so good
as the Dogs, that licked Lazarus Sores;
but like Flies, that are still buzzing, vpon
any Thing that is raw; Misanthropi, that
make it their Practise, to bring Men, to
the Bough; And yet haue neuer a Tree,
for the purpose, in their Gardens, as Timon had. Such Dispositions, are the very
Errours of Humane Nature: And yet
they are the fittest Timber, to make
great Politiques of: Like to knee Timber,
that is good for Ships, that are ordained,
to be tossed; But not for Building houses,
that shall stand firme. The Parts and
Signes of Goodnesse are many. If a Man
be Gracious, and Curteous to Strangers,
it shewes, he is a Citizen of the World;
And that his Heart, is no Island, cut off
from other Lands; but a Continent, that
ioynes to them. If he be Compassionate,
towards the Afflictions of others, it
shewes that his Heart is like the noble
Tree, that is wounded it selfe, when it
giues the Balme. If he easily Pardons and
Remits Offences, it shews, that his Minde
is planted aboue Iniuries; So that he cannot be shot. If he be Thankfull for small
Benefits, it shewes, that he weighes Mens
Mindes, and not their Trash. But aboue
all, if he haue S+t+. Pauls Perfection, that
he would wish to be an Anathema from
Christ, for the Saluation of his Brethren,
it shewes much of a Diuine Nature, and
a kinde of Conformity with Christ himselfe.
|
Of Nobility.
| 1 |
WE will speake of Nobility,
first as a Portion of an
Estate; Then as a Condition of Particular Persons.
A Monarchy, where there
is no Nobility at all, is euer a pure, and
absolute Tyranny; As that of the Turkes.
For Nobility attempers Soueraignty, and
drawes the Eyes of the People, somewhat aside from the Line Royall. But for
Democracies, they need it not; And
they are commonly, more quiet, and
lesse subiect to Sedition, then where there
are Stirps of Nobles. For Mens Eyes are
vpon the Businesse, and not vpon the
Persons: Or if vpon the Persons, it is for
the Businesse sake, as fittest, and not for
Flags and Pedegree. Wee see the Switzers
last well, notwithstanding their
Diuersitie of Religion, and of Cantons. For
Vtility is their Bond, and not Respects.
The vnited Prouinces of the Low Countries, in their Gouernment, excell: For
where there is an Equality, the Consultations are more indifferent, and the Payments and Tributes more cheerfull. A
great and Potent Nobility addeth Maiestie to a Monarch, but diminisheth
Power; And putteth Life and Spirit into
the People, but presseth their Fortune. It
is well, when Nobles are not too great for
Soueraignty, nor for Iustice; And yet
maintained in that heigth, as the Insolencie of Inferiours, may be broken vpon
them, before it come on too fast vpon
the Maiesty of Kings. A Numerous
Nobility, causeth Pouerty, and Inconuenience in a State: For it is a Surcharge of
Expence; And besides, it being of Necessity, that many of the Nobility, fall in
time to be weake in Fortune, it maketh a
kinde of Dispoportion, betweene Honour and Meanes.
|
| 2 |
As for Nobility in particular Persons;
It is a Reuerend Thing, to see an Ancient Castle, or Building not in decay; Or
to see a faire Timber Tree, sound and
perfect: How much more, to behold
an Ancient Noble Family, which hath
stood against the Waues and weathers of
Time. For new Nobility is but the Act of
Power; But Ancient Nobility is the Act
of Time. Those that are first raised to
Nobility, are commonly more Vertuous,
but lesse Innocent, then their Descendants: For there is, rarely, any Rising, but
by a Commixture, of good and euill
Arts. But it is Reason, the Memory of
their vertues, remaine to their Posterity;
And their Faults die with themselues. Nobility of Birth, commonly abateth Industry: And he that is not industrious, enuieth him, that is. Besides, Noble persons, cannot goe much higher;
And he that standeth at a stay, when
others rise, can hardly auoid Motions
of Enuy. On the other side, Nobility
extinguisheth the passiue Enuy, from
others towards them; Because they are
in possession of Honour. Certainly
Kings, that haue Able men of their
Nobility, shall finde ease in imploying
them; And a better Slide into their Businesse: For People naturally bend to
them, as borne in some sort to Command.
|
Of Seditions And
Troubles.
| 1 |
SHepheards of People, had need
know the Kalenders of Tempests in State; which are commonly greatest, when Things
grow to Equality; As Naturall Tempests
are greatest about the AEquinoctia. And
as there are certaine hollow Blasts of
Winde, and secret Swellings of Seas, before a Tempest, so are there in States:
---Ille etiam coecos instare Tumultus
Sæpe monet, Fraudesque, & operta tumescere Bella.
|
| 2 |
Libels, and licentious Discourses against the State, when they are frequent
and open; And in like sort, false Newes,
often running vp and downe, to the
disaduantage of the State, and hastily embraced; are amongst the Signes of Troubles. Virgil giuing the Pedegre of Fame,
saith, She was sister to the Giants
Illam Terra Parens irâ irritata Deorum,
Extremam ( vt perhibent ) Cæo Enceladoque sororem.
Progenuit. ---
As if Fames were the Reliques of Seditions past; But they are no lesse, indeed,
the preludes of Seditions to come. Howsoeuer, he noteth it right, that Seditious
Tumults, and Seditious Fames, differ no
more, but as Brother and Sister, Masculine and Feminine; Especially, if it come
to that, that the best Actions of a State,
and the most plausible, and which ought
to giue greatest Contentment, are taken in
ill Sense, and traduced: For that shewes
the Enuy great, as Tacitus saith; Conflata
magna Inuidia, seu benè, seu malè, gesta premunt. Neither doth it follow, that because
these Fames, are a signe of Troubles, that the
suppressing of them, with too much Seuerity, should be a Remedy of Troubles. For
the Despising of them, many times, checks
them best; and the Going about to stop
them, doth but make a Wonder Long-liued. Also that kinde of Obedience, which
Tacitus speaketh of, is to be held suspected;
Erant in officio, sed tamen qui mallent mandata Imperantium interpretari quàm exequi; Disputing, Excusing, Cauilling vpo
n
Mandates and Directions, is a kinde of
shaking off the yoake, and Assay of disobedience: Especially, if in those disputings, they, which are for the direction,
speake fearefully, and tenderly; And those
that are against it, audaciously.
|
| 3 |
Also, as Macciauel noteth well; when
Princes, that ought to be Common Parents, make themselues as a Party, and
leane to a side, it is as a Boat that is ouerthrowen, by vneuen weight, on the one
Side; As was well seen, in the time of Henry the third of France: For first, himselfe
entred League for the Extirpation of the
Protestants; and presently after, the same
League was turned vpon Himselfe. For
when the Authority of Princes, is made
but an Accessary to a Cause; And that
there be other Bands, that tie faster, then
the Band of Soueraignty, Kings begin to
be put almost out of Possession.
|
| 4 |
Also, when Discords, and Quarrells,
and Factions, are carried openly, and
audaciously; it is a Signe, the Reuerence
of Gouernment is lost. For the Motions
of the greatest persons, in a Gouernment,
ought to be, as the Motions of the Planets, vnder Primum Mobile; ( according to
the old Opinion: ) which is, That Every of
them, is carried swiftly, by the Highest
Motion, and softly in their owne Motion. And therfore, when great Ones, in
their owne particular Motion, moue violently, and, as Tacitus expresseth it well,
Liberiùs, quàm vt Imperantium meminissent; It is a Signe, the Orbs are out of
Frame. For Reuerence is that, wherwith
Princes are girt from God; Who threatneth the dissoluing thereof; Soluam cingula Regum.
|
| 5 |
So when any of the foure Pillars of
Gouernment, are mainly shaken, or
weakned ( which are Religion, Iustice,
Counsell, and Treasure, ) Men had need to
pray for Faire Weather. But let vs passe
from this Part of Predictions, ( Concerning which, neuerthelesse, more light
may be taken, from that which followeth; ) And let vs speake first of the Materials of Seditions; Then of the Motiues of
them; And thirdly of the Remedies.
|
| 6 |
Concerning the Materialls of Seditions. It is a Thing well to be considered: For the surest way to preuent Seditions, ( if the Times doe beare it, ) is to
take away the Matter of them. For if
there be Fuell prepared, it is hard to tell,
whence the Spark shall come, that shall
set it on Fire. The Matter of Seditions
is of two kindes; Much Pouerty, and
Much Discontentment. It is certaine, so
many Ouerthrowne Estates, so many
Votes for Troubles. Lucan noteth well the
State of Rome, before the Ciuill Warre.
Hinc Vsura vorax, rapidumque in tempore Foenus,
Hinc concussa Fides, & multis vtile
Bellum.
|
| 7 |
This same Multis vtile Bellum, is an assured and infallible Signe, of a State, disposed to Seditions, and Troubles. And if
this Pouerty, and Broken Estate, in the
better Sort, be ioyned with a Want and
Necessity, in the meane People, the danger is imminent, and great. For the Rebellions of the Belly are the worst. As for
Discontentments they are in the Politique
Body, like to Humours in the Naturall,
which are apt to gather a preternaturall Heat, and to Enflame. And let no
Prince measure the Danger of them, by
this; whether they be Iust, or Vniust?
For that were to imagine People to be too
reasonable; who doe often spurne at
their owne Good: Nor yet by this; whether the Griefes, wherupon they rise, be in
fact, great or small: For they are the most
dangerous Discontentments,where the
Feare is greater then the Feeling. Dolendi
Modus, Timendi non item. Besides, in great
Oppressions, the same Things, that
prouoke the Patience, doe withall mate the
Courage: But in Feares it is not so. Neither let any Prince, or State, be secure
concerning Discontentments, because
they haue been often, or haue been long
and yet no Perill hath ensued; For as it is
true, that euery Vapour, or Fume, doth not
turne into a Storme; So it is, neuerthelesse,
true, that Stormes, though they blow ouer diuers times, yet may fall at last; And
as the Spanish Prouerb noteth well; The
cord breaketh at the last by the weakest
pull.
|
| 8 |
The Causes and Motiues of Seditions
are; Innouation in Religion; Taxes; Alteration of Lawes and Customes; Breaking of
Priuiledges; Generall Oppression; Aduancement of vnworthy persons; Strangers;
Dearths; Disbanded Souldiers; Factions
growne desperate; And whatsoeuer in offending People, ioyneth and knitteth
them, in a Common Cause.
|
| 9 |
For the Remedies; There may be some
generall Preseruatiues, whereof wee will
speake; As for the iust Cure, it must
answer to the Particular Disease: And so
be left to Counsell, rather then Rule.
|
| 10 |
The first Remedy or preuention, is to
remoue by all meanes possible, that materiall Cause of Sedition, wherof we spake;
which is Want and Pouerty in the Estate.
To which purpose, serueth the Opening,
and well Ballancing of Trade; The Cherishing of Manufactures; the Banishing
of Idlenesse; the Repressing of waste and
Excesse by Sumptuary Lawes; the Improuement and Husbanding of the Soyle;
the Regulating of Prices of things vendible; the Moderating of Taxes and Tributes; And the like. Generally, it is to be
foreseene, that the Population of a Kingdome, ( especially if it be not mowen
downe by warrs ) doe not exceed, the
Stock of the Kingdome, which should
maintaine them. Neither is the Population, to be reckoned, onely by number:
For a smaller Number, that spend more,
and earne lesse, doe weare out an Estate,
sooner then a greater Number, that liue
lower, and gather more. Therefore the
Multiplying of Nobilitie, and other Degrees of Qualitie, in an ouer Proportion,
to the Common People, doth speedily
bring a State to Necessitie: And so doth
likewise an ouergrowne Clergie; For they
bring nothing to the Stocke; And in like
manner, when more are bred Schollers,
then Preferments can take off.
|
| 11 |
It is likewise to be remembred, that for
as much as the increase of any Estate,
must be vpon the Forrainer, ( for whatsoeuer is some where gotten, is some
where lost ) There be but three Things,
which one Nation selleth vnto another;
The Commoditie as Nature yeeldeth it;
The Manufacture; and the Vecture or
Carriage. So that if these three wheeles
goe, Wealth will flow as in a Spring tide.
And it commeth many times to passe,
that Materiam superabit Opus; That the
Worke, and Carriage, is more worth,
then the Materiall, and enricheth a State
more; As is notably seene in the LowCountrey-men, who haue the best Mines,
aboue ground, in the World.
|
| 12 |
Aboue all things, good Policie is to
be vsed, that the Treasure and Moneyes,
in a State, be not gathered into few
Hands. For otherwise, a State may haue
a great Stock, and yet starue. And Money is like Muck, not good except it be
spread. This is done, chiefly, by suppressing, or at the least, keeping a strait Hand,
vpon the Deuouring Trades of Vsurie,
Ingrossing, great Pasturages, and the like.
|
| 13 |
For Remouing Discontentments, or at
least, the danger of them; There is in euery State ( as we know ) two Portions of
Subiects; The Noblesse, and the Commonaltie. When one of these is Discontent, the
danger is not great; For Common People, are of slow Motion, if they be not
excited, by the Greater Sort; And the
Greater Sort are of small strength, except
the Multitude, be apt and ready, to moue
of themselues. Then is the danger, when
the Greater Sort doe but wait for the
Troubling of the Waters, amongst the
Meaner, that then they may declare themselues. The Poets faigne, that the rest of
the Gods, would haue bound Iupiter;
which he hearing of, by the Counsell of
Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hundred
Hands, to come in to his Aid. An Embleme, no doubt, to shew, how safe it is
for Monarchs, to make sure of the good
Will of Common People.
|
| 14 |
To giue moderate Liberty, for Griefes,
and Discontentments to euaporate, ( so it be
without too great Insolency or Brauery )
is a safe Way. For he that turneth the Humors backe, and maketh the Wound
bleed inwards, endangereth maligne Vlcers, and pernicious Impostumations.
|
| 15 |
The Part of Epimetheus, mought well
become Prometheus, in the case of Discontentments; For there is not a better prouision against them. Epimetheus, when
Griefes and Euils flew abroad, at last shut
the lid, and kept Hope in the Bottome of
the Vessell. Certainly, the Politique and
Artificiall Nourishing, and Entertaining
of Hopes, and Carrying Men from Hopes
to Hopes; is one of the best Antidotes, against the Poyson of Discontentments.
And it is a certaine Signe, of a wise Gouernment, and Proceeding, when it can
hold Mens hearts by Hopes, when it cannot by Satisfaction: And when it can
handle things, in such manner, as no Euill
shall appeare so peremptory, but that it
hath some Out-let of Hope: Which is the
lesse hard to doe, because both particular
Persons, and Factions, are apt enough to
flatter themselues, or at least to braue that,
which they beleeue not.
|
| 16 |
Also, the Foresight, and Preuention,
that there be no likely or fit Head, whereunto Discontented Persons may resort,
and vnder whom they may ioyne, is a
knowne, but an excellent Point of Caution. I vnderstand a fit Head, to be one,
that hath Greatnesse, and Reputation; That
hath Confidence with the Discontented
Party; and vpon whom they turne their
Eyes; And that is thought discontented in
his own particular; which kinde of Persons, are either to be wonne, and reconciled to the State, and that in a fast and
true manner; Or to be fronted, with some
other, of the same Party, that may oppose
them, and so diuide the reputation. Generally, the Diuiding and Breaking of all
Factions, and Combinations that are aduerse to the State, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust amongst themselues, is not one of the worst Remedies.
For it is a desperate Case, if those, that
hold with the Proceeding of the State,
be full of Discord and Faction; And
those that are against it, be entire and
vnited.
|
| 17 |
I haue noted, that some witty and
sharpe Speeches, which haue fallen from
Princes, haue giuen fire to Seditions. Cæsar did himselfe infinite Hurt, in that
Speech; Sylla nesciuit Literas, non potuit
dictare: For it did, vtterly, cut off that
Hope, which Men had entertained, that
he would, at one time or other, giue ouer
his Dictatorship. Galba vndid himselfe
by that Speech; Legi à se Militem, non
emi: For it put the Souldiers, out of
Hope, of the Donatiue. Probus likewise, by that Speech; Si vixero, non
opus erit ampliùs Romano Imperio militibus.
A Speech of great Despaire, for the Souldiers: And many the like. Surely, Princes
had need, in tender Matters, and Ticklish
Times, to beware what they say; Especially in these short Speeches, which flie
abroad like Darts, and are thought to be
shot out of their secret Intentions. For as
for large Discourses, they are flat Things,
and not so much noted.
|
| 18 |
Lastly, let Princes, against all Euents, not
be without some Great Person, one, or rather more, of Military Valour neere vnto
th\-e, for the Repressing of Seditions, in their
beginnings. For without that, there vseth
to be more trepidation in Court, vpon the
first Breaking out of Troubles, then were
fit. And the State runneth the danger
of that, which Tacitus saith; Atque is
Habitus animorum fuit, vt pessimum facinus auderent Pauci, Plures vellent, Omnes
paterentur. But let such Military Persons,
be Assured, and well reputed of, rather
then Factious, and Popular; Holding
also good Correspondence, with the
other Great Men in the State; Or else
the Remedie, is worse then the Disease.
|
Of Atheisme.
| 1 |
I HAD rather beleeue
all the Fables in the
Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran,
then that this vniuersall Frame, is without
a Minde. And therefore, God neuer wrought Miracle, to
conuince Atheisme, because his Ordinary
Works conuince it. It is true, that a little Philosophy inclineth Mans Minde to
Atheisme; But depth in Philosophy,
bringeth Mens Mindes about to Religion:
For while the Minde of Man, looketh
vpon Second Causes Scattered, it may
sometimes rest in them, and goe no
further: But when it beholdeth, the Chaine
of them, Confederate and Linked together, it must needs flie to Prouidence, and
Deitie. Nay euen that Schoole, which is
most accused of Atheisme, doth most
demonstrate Religion; That is, the Schoole
of Leucippus, and Democritus, and Epicurus. For it is a thousand times more
Credible, that foure Mutable Elements,
and one Immutable Fift Essence, duly
and Eternally placed, need no God; then
that an Army, of Infinite small Portions,
or Seedes vnplaced, should haue produced this Order, and Beauty, without a Diuine Marshall. The Scripture saith; The
Foole hath said in his Heart, there is no God:
It is not said; The Foole hath thought in his
Heart: So as, he rather saith it by rote to
himselfe, as that he would haue, then that
he can throughly beleeue it, or be perswaded of it. For none deny there is a God,
but those, for whom it maketh that there
were no God. It appeareth in nothing
more, that Atheisme is rather in the Lip,
then in the Heart of Man, then by this;
That Atheists will euer be talking of that
their Opinion, as if they fainted in it,
within themselues, and would be glad
to be strengthned, by the Consent of others: Nay more, you shall haue Atheists
striue to get Disciples, as it fareth with other Sects: And, which is most of all, you
shall haue of them, that will suffer for
Atheisme, and not recant; Wheras, if they
did truly thinke, that there were no such
Thing as God, why should they trouble
themselues? Epicurus is charged, that he
did but dissemble, for his credits sake,
when he affirmed; There were Blessed
Natures, but such as enioyed themselues,
without hauing respect to the Gouernment of the World. Wherin, they say, he
did temporize; though in secret, he
thought, there was no God. But certainly,
he is traduced; For his Words are Noble and Diuine: Non Deos vulgi negare
profanum, sed vulgi Opiniones Dijs applicare profanum. Plato could haue said no
more. And although, he had the Confidence, to deny the Administration, he had
not the Power to deny the Nature. The
Indians of the West, haue Names for their
particular Gods, though they haue no
name for God: As if the Heathens, should
haue had the Names Iupiter, Apollo, Mars,
&c. But not the Word Deus: which
shewes, that euen those Barbarous People, haue the Notion, though they haue
not the Latitude, and Extent of it. So
that against Atheists, the very Sauages take
part, with the very subtillest Philosophers.
The Contemplatiue Atheist is rare; A Diagoras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and some
others; And yet they seeme to be more
then they are; For that, all that Impugne
a receiued Religion, or Superstition, are by
the aduerse Part, branded with the Name
of Atheists. But the great Atheists, indeed,
are Hypocrites; which are euer Handling
Holy Things, but without Feeling. So
as they must needs be cauterized in the
End. The Causes of Atheisme are; Diuisions in Religion, if they be many; For any
one maine Diuision, addeth Zeale to both
Sides; But many Diuisions introduce
Atheisme. Another is, Scandall of Priests;
When it is come to that, which S. Bernard
saith; Non est iam dicere, vt Populus, sic
Sacerdos: quia nec sic Populus, vt Sacerdos.
A third is, Custome of Profane Scoffing in
Holy Matters; which doth, by little and
little, deface the Reuerence of Religion.
And lastly, Learned Times, specially with
Peace, and Prosperity: For Troubles and
Aduersities doe more bow Mens Mindes
to Religion. They that deny a God, destroy
Mans Nobility: For certainly, Man is of
Kinne to the Beasts, by his Body; And if,
he be not of Kinne to God, by his Spirit,
he is a Base and Ignoble Creature. It destroies likewise Magnanimity, and the
Raising of Humane Nature: For take an
Example of a Dog; And mark what a Generosity, and Courage he will put on,
when he findes himselfe maintained, by a
Man; who to him is in stead of a God, or
Melior Natura: which courage is manifestly such, as that Creature, without that
Confidence, of a better Nature, then his
owne, could neuer attaine. So Man, when
he resteth and assureth himselfe, vpon diuine Protection, and Fauour, gathereth a
Force and Faith; which Humane Nature,
in it selfe, could not obtaine. Therefore,
as Atheisme is in all respects hatefull, so in
this, that it depriueth humane Nature, of
the Meanes, to exalt it selfe, aboue Humane Frailty. As it is in particular Persons, so it is in Nations: Neuer was there
such a State, for Magnanimity, as Rome:
Of this State heare what Cicero saith;
Quam volumus, licet, patres conscripti, nos
amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec
robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pænos, nec artibus Græcos, nec denique hoc ipso huius Gentis
& Terræ domestico natiuoque sensu Italos ipsos & Latinos; sed Pietate, ac Religione, atque hâc vnâ Sapientiâ, quod Deorum Immortalium Numine, omnia regi, gubernarique
perspeximus, omnes Gentes Nationesque superauimus.
|
Of Superstition.
| 1 |
IT were better to haue no
Opinion of God at all;
then such an Opinion,
as is vnworthy of him:
For the one is Vnbeleefe, the other is Contumely: And certainly Superstition is the
Reproach of the Deity. Plutarch saith
well to that purpose: Surely ( saith he ) I
had rather, a great deale, Men should say,
there was no such Man, at all, as Plutarch;
then that they should say, that there was one
Plutarch, that would eat his Children, as soon
as they were borne, as the Poets speake of
Saturne. And, as the Contumely is greater
towards God, so the Danger is greater towards Men. Atheisme leaues a Man to
Sense; to Philosophy; to Naturall Piety;
to Lawes; to Reputation; All which may
be Guides to an outward Morall vertue,
though Religion were not; But Superstition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute Monarchy, in the Mindes of Men.
Therefore Atheisme did neuer perturbe
States; For it makes Men wary of themselues, as looking no further: And we see
the times enclined to Atheisme ( as the
Time of Augustus Cæsar ) were ciuil Times.
But Superstition, hath beene the Confusion of many States; And bringeth in a
new Primum Mobile, that rauisheth all the
Spheares of Gouernment. The Master of
Superstition is the People; And in all Superstition, Wise Men follow Fooles; And Arguments are fitted to Practise, in a reuersed
Order. It was grauely said, by some of the
Prelates, in the Councell of Trent, where the
doctrine of the Schoolemen bare great
Sway; That the Schoolemen were like Astronomers, which did faigne Eccentricks and
Epicycles, and such Engines of Orbs, to saue
the Phenomena; though they knew, there
were no such Things: And, in like manner,
that the Schoolmen, had framed a
Number of subtile and intricate Axiomes, and
Theorems, to saue the practise of the
Church. The Causes of Superstition are:
Pleasing and sensuall Rites and Ceremonies: Excesse of Outward and Pharisaicall Holinesse; Ouer-great Reuerence of
Traditions, which cannot but load the
Church; The Stratagems of Prelates for
their owne Ambition and Lucre: The
Fauouring too much of good Intentions,
which openeth the Gate to Conceits and
Nouelties; The taking an Aime at diuine
Matters by Human, which cannot but
breed mixture of Imaginations; And
lastly, Barbarous Times, Especially ioyned with Calamities and Disasters. Superstition, without a vaile, is a deformed
Thing; For, as it addeth deformity to an
Ape, to be so like a Man; So the Similitude of Superstition to Religion, makes it
the more deformed. And as wholesome
Meat corrupteth to little Wormes; So
good Formes and Orders, corrupt into a
Number of petty Obseruances. There is
a Superstition, in auoiding Superstition;
when men thinke to doe best, if they goe
furthest from the Superstition formerly
receiued: Therefore, Care would be had,
that, ( as it fareth in ill Purgings ) the
Good be not taken away, with the Bad;
which commonly is done, when the
People is the Reformer.
|
Of Trauaile.
| 1 |
TRauaile, in the younger Sort, is
a Part of Education; In the
Elder, a Part of Experience.
He that trauaileth into a
Country, before he hath
some Entrance into the Language, goeth
to Schoole, and not to Trauaile. That
Young Men trauaile vnder some Tutor,
or graue Seruant, I allow well; So that he
be such a one, that hath the Language, and
hath been in the Country before; whereby he may be able to tell them, what
Things are worthy to be seene in the
Country where they goe; what Acquaintances they are to seeke; What Exercises
or discipline the Place yeeldeth. For else
young Men shall goe hooded, and looke
abroad little. It is a strange Thing, that
in Sea voyages, where there is nothing to
be seene, but Sky and Sea, Men should
make Diaries; But in Land-Trauile, wherin so much is to be obserued, for the most
part, they omit it; As if Chance, were fitter to be registred, then Obseruation. Let
Diaries, therefore, be brought in vse. The
Things to be seene and obserued are: The
Courts of Princes, specially when they
giue Audience to Ambassadours: The
Courts of Iustice, while they sit and heare
Causes; And so of Consistories Ecclesiasticke: The Churches, and Monasteries,
with the Monuments which are therein
extant: The Wals and Fortifications of Cities and Townes; And so the Hauens &
Harbours: Antiquities, and Ruines:
Libraries; Colledges, Disputations, and
Lectures, where any are: Shipping and
Nauies: Houses, and Gardens of State,
and Pleasure, neare great Cities: Armories: Arsenals: Magazens: Exchanges:
Burses; Ware-houses: Exercises of Horseman-ship; Fencing; Trayning of Souldiers; and the like: Comedies; Such wherunto the better Sort of persons doe resort;
Treasuries of Iewels, and Robes; Cabinets, and Rarities: And to conclude, whatsoeuer is memorable in the Places; where
they goe. After all which, the Tutors or
Seruants, ought to make diligent Enquirie. As for Triumphs; Masques; Feasts;
Weddings; Funeralls; Capitall Execuons; and such Shewes; Men need not to
be put in minde of th\-e; Yet are they not
to be neglected. If you will haue a Young
Man, to put his Trauaile, into a little
Roome, and in short time, to gather
much, this you must doe. First, as was
said, he must haue some Entrance into
the Language, before he goeth. Then he
must haue such a Seruant, or Tutor, as
knoweth the Country, as was likewise
said. Let him carry with him also some
Card or Booke describing the Country, where he trauelleth; which will
be a good Key to his Enquiry. Let him
keepe also a Diary. Let him not stay long
in one Citty, or Towne; More or lesse
as the place deserueth, but not long: Nay,
when he stayeth in one City or Towne,
let him change his Lodging, from one
End and Part of the Towne, to another;
which is a great Adamant of Acquaintance. Let him sequester himselfe from
the Company of his Country men, and
diet in such Places, where there is good
Company of the Nation, where he trauaileth. Let him vpon his Remoues, from
one place to another, procure Recommendation, to some person of Quality,
residing in the Place, whither he remoueth; that he may vse his Fauour, in those
things, he desireth to see or know. Thus
he may abridge his Trauaile, with much
profit. As for the acquaintance, which is
to be sought in Trauaile; That which is
most of all profitable, is Acquaintance
with the Secretaries, and Employd Men
of Ambassadours; For so in Trauailing
in one Country he shall sucke the Experience of many. Let him also see and visit,
Eminent Persons, in all Kindes, which are
of great Name abroad; That he may be
able to tell, how the Life agreeth with
the Fame. For Quarels, they are with
Care and Discretion to be auoided:
They are, commonly, for Mistresses;
Healths; Place; and Words. And let a
Man beware, how he keepeth Company,
with Cholerick and Quarelsome Persons; for they will engage him into their
owne Quarels. When a Trauailer returneth home, let him not leaue the Countries, where he hath Trauailed, altogether
behinde him; But maintaine a Correspondence, by letters, with those of his Acquaintance, which are of most Worth.
And let his Trauaile appeare rather
in his Discourse, then in his Apparrell, or
Gesture: And in his Discourse, let him
be rather aduised in his Answers, then
forwards to tell Stories: And let it appeare, that he doth not change his Country Manners, for those of Forraigne Parts;
But onely, prick in some Flowers, of that
he hath Learned abroad, into the Customes of his owne Country.
|
Of Empire.
| 1 |
IT is a miserable State
of Minde, to haue
few Things to desire,
and many Things
to feare: And yet
that commonly is
the Case of Kings;
Who being at the highest, want Matter
of desire, which makes their Mindes
more Languishing; And haue many Representations of Perills and Shadowes,
which makes their Mindes the lesse
cleare. And this is one Reason also of
that Effect, which the Scripture speaketh
of; That the Kings Heart is inscrutable. For
Multitude of Iealousies, and Lack of
some predominant desire, that should
marshall and put in order all the rest, maketh any Mans Heart, hard to finde, or
sound. Hence it comes likewise, that
Princes, many times, make themselues
Desires, and set their Hearts vpon
toyes: Sometimes vpon a Building;
Sometimes vpon Erecting of an Order;
Sometimes vpon the Aduancing of a
Person; Sometimes vpon obtaining
Excellency in some Art, or Feat of the
Hand; As Nero for playing on the Harpe,
Domitian for Certainty of the Hand with
the Arrow, Commodus for playing at
Fence, Caracalla for driuing Chariots,
and the like. This seemeth incredible
vnto those, that know not the Principle;
That the Minde of Man is more cheared,
and refreshed, by profiting in small things,
then by standing at a stay in great. We see
also that Kings, that haue beene fortunate Conquerours in their first yeares;
it being not possible for them to goe forward infinitely, but that they must haue
some Checke or Arrest in their Fortunes;
turne in their latter yeares, to be Superstitious and Melancholy: As did Alexander the Great; Dioclesian; And in our
memory, Charles the fift; And others:
For he that is vsed to goe forward, and
findeth a Stop, falleth out of his owne
fauour, and is not the Thing he was.
|
| 2 |
To speake now of the true Temper of
Empire: It is a Thing rare, and hard to keep:
For both Temper and Distemper consist of
Contraries. But it is one thing to mingle
Contraries, another to enterchange them.
The Answer of Apollonius to Vespasian, is
full of Excellent Instruction; Vespasian
asked him; What was Neroes ouerthrow?
He answered; Nero could touch and tune
the Harpe well; But in Gouernment, sometimes he vsed to winde the pins too high,
sometimes to let them downe too low. And
certaine it is, that Nothing destroieth Authority so much, as the vnequall and vntimely Enterchange of Power Pressed
too farre, and Relaxed too much.
|
| 3 |
This is true; that the wisdome of all
these latter Times in Princes Affaires, is
rather fine Deliueries, and Shiftings of
Dangers and Mischiefes, when they are
neare; then solid and grounded Courses
to keepe them aloofe. But this is but to
try Masteries with Fortune: And let
men beware, how they neglect, and suffer Matter of Trouble, to be prepared:
For no Man can forbid the Spar
ke, nor
tell whence it may come. The difficulties
in Princes Businesse, are many and great;
But the greatest difficulty, is often in
their owne Minde. For it is common
with Princes, ( saith Tacitus) to will Contradictories. Sunt plerumque Regum voluntates vehementes, & inter se contrariæ. For
it is the Soloecisme of Power, to thinke to
Command the End, and yet not to endure the Meane.
|
| 4 |
Kings haue to deale with their Neighbours; their Wiues; their Children; their
Prelates or Clergie; their Nobles; their
Second-Nobles or Gentlemen; their Merchants; their Commons; and their Men of
Warre; And from all these arise Dangers,
if Care and Circumspection be not vsed.
|
| 5 |
First for their Neighbours; There can
no generall Rule be giuen, ( The Occasions are so variable, ) saue one; which
euer holdeth; which is, That Princes doe
keepe due Centinell, that none of their
Neighbours doe ouergrow so, ( by Encrease of Territory, by Embracing of
Trade, by Approaches, or the like ) as
they become more able to annoy them,
then they were. And this is, generally,
the work of Standing Counsels to foresee,
and to hinder it. During that Triumuirate
of Kings, King Henry the 8. of England,
Francis the 1. King of France, and Charles
the 5. Emperour, there was such a watch
kept, that none of the Three, could win
a Palme of Ground, but the other two,
would straightwaies ballance it, either
by Confederation, or, if need were, by
a Warre: And would not, in any wise,
take vp Peace at Interest. And the like
was done by that League ( which, Guicciardine saith, was the Security of Italy )
made betwene Ferdinando King of Naples; Lorenzius Medices, and Ludouicus
Sforza, Potentates, the one of Florence,
the other of Millaine. Neither is the Opinion, of some of the Schoole-Men, to be
receiued; That a warre cannot iustly be
made, but vpon a precedent Iniury, or Prouocation. For there is no Question, but a
iust Feare, of an Imminent danger, though
there be no Blow giuen, is a lawfull Cause
of a Warre.
|
| 6 |
For their Wiues; There are Cruell Examples of them. Liuia is infamed for the poysoning of her husband: Roxolana, Solymans
Wife, was the destruction, of that renowned Prince, Sultan Mustapha; And otherwise troubled his House, and Succession:
Edward the Second of England, his Queen,
had the principall hand, in the Deposing
and Murther of her Husband. This kinde
of danger, is then to be feared, chiefly,
when the Wiues haue Plots, for the Raising
of their owne Children; Or else that they
be Aduoutresses.
|
| 7 |
For their Children: The Tragedies, likewise, of dangers from them, haue been
many. And generally, the Entring of Fathers, into Suspicion of their Children,
hath been euer vnfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha, ( that we named before ) was so fatall to Solymans Line, as
the Succession of the Turks, from Solyman, vntill this day, is suspected to be
vntrue, and of strange Bloud; For that Selymus the Second was thought to be Supposititious. The destruction of Crispus, a
young Prince, of rare Towardnesse, by
Constantinus the Great, his Father, was in
like manner fatall to his House; For both
Constantinus, and Constance, his Sonnes,
died violent deaths; And Constantius his
other Sonne, did little better; who died,
indeed, of Sicknesse, but after that Iulianus had taken Armes against him. The
destruction of Demetrius, Sonne to Philip the Second, of Macedon, turned vpon
the Father, who died of Repentance. And
many like Examples there are: But few,
or none, where the Fathers had good by
such distrust; Except it were, where the
Sonnes were vp, in open Armes against
them; As was Selymus the first against Baiazet: And the three Sonnes of Henry the
Second, King of England.
|
| 8 |
For their Prelates; when they are proud
and great, there is also danger from them:
As it was, in the times of Anselmus, and
Thomas Becket, Archbishops of Canterbury; who with their Crosiars, did almost
try it, with the Kings Sword; And yet
they had to deale with Stout and Haughty Kings; William Rufus, Henry the first,
and Henry the second. The danger is
not from that State, but where it hath
a dependance of forraine Authority; Or
where the Churchmen come in, and
are elected, not by the Collation of the
King, or particular Patrons, but by the
People.
|
| 9 |
For their Nobles; To keepe them at a
distance, it is not amisse; But to depresse
them, may make a King more Absolute,
but lesse Safe; And lesse able to performe
any thing, that he desires. I haue noted
it, in my History of King Henry the Seuenth, of England, who depressed his
Nobility; Whereupon, it came to passe,
that his Times were full of Difficulties, &
Troubles; For the Nobility, though they
continued loyall vnto him, yet did they
not co-operate with him, in his Businesse.
So that in effect, he was faine to doe all
things, himselfe.
|
| 10 |
For their Second Nobles; There is not
much danger from them, being a Body
dispersed. They may sometimes discourse
high, but that doth little Hurt: Besides,
they are a Counterpoize to the Higher
Nobility, that they grow not too Potent:
And lastly, being the most immediate in
Authority, with the Common People,
they doe best temper Popular Commotions.
|
| 11 |
For their Merchants; They are Vena porta; And if they flourish not, a Kingdome
may haue good Limmes, but will haue
empty Veines, and nourish little. Taxes,
and Imposts vpon them, doe seldome
good to the Kings Reuenew; For that
that he winnes in the Hundred, he leeseth
in the Shire; The particular Rates being
increased, but the totall Bulke of Trading
rather decreased.
|
| 12 |
For their Commons; There is little danger from them, except it be, where they
haue Great and Potent Heads; Or where
you meddle, with the Point of Religion;
Or their Customes, or Meanes of Life.
|
| 13 |
For their Men of warre; It is a dangerous State, where they liue and remaine in
a Body, and are vsed to Donatiues; whereof we see Examples in the Ianizaries, and
Pretorian Bands of Rome: But Traynings
of Men, and Arming them in seuerall places, and vnder seuerall Commanders, and
without Donatiues, are Things of Defence, and no Danger.
|
| 14 |
Princes are like to Heauenly Bodies,
which cause good or euill times; And
which haue much Veneration, but no Rest.
All precepts concerning Kings, are in effect comprehended, in those two Remembrances: Memento quod es Homo;
And Memento quod es Deus, or Vice Dei:
The one bridleth their Power, and the other their Will.
|
Of Counsell.
| 1 |
THe greatest Trust, betweene
Man and Man, is the Trust of
Giuing Counsell. For in other
Confidences, Men commit
the parts of life; Their Lands, their Goods,
their Child, their Credit, some particular
Affaire; But to such, as they make their
Counsellours, they commit the whole: By
how much the more, they are obliged to
all Faith and integrity. The wisest Princes, need not thinke it any diminution to
their Greatnesse, or derogation to their
Sufficiency, to rely vpon Counsell. God
himselfe is not without: But hath made
it one of the great Names, of his blessed
Sonne; The Counsellour, Salomon hath pronounced, that In Counsell is Stability.
Things will haue their first, or second Agitation; If they be not tossed vpon the
Arguments of Counsell, they will be tossed
vpon the Waues of Fortune; And be full
of Inconstancy, doing, and vndoing, like
the Reeling of a drunken man. Salomons
Sonne found the Force of Counsell, as his
Father saw the Necessity of it. For the Beloued Kingdome of God was first rent,
and broken by ill Counsell; Vpon which
Counsell, there are set, for our Instruction,
the two Markes, whereby Bad Counsell is,
for euer, best discerned: That it was young
Counsell, for the Persons; And Violent Counsell, for the Matter.
|
| 2 |
The Ancient Times doe set forth in Figure, both the Incorporation, and inseparable Coniunction of Counsel with Kings;
And the wise and Politique vse of Counsell by Kings: The one, in that they say,
Iupiter did marry Metis, which signifieth
Counsell: Whereby they intend, that Soueraignty is married to Counsell: The other,
in that which followeth, which was thus:
They say after Iupiter was married to Metis, she conceiued by him, and was with
Childe; but Iupiter suffered her not to stay,
till she brought forth, but eat her vp;
Wherby he became himselfe with Child,
and was deliuered of Pallas Armed, out of
his Head. Which monstrous Fable, containeth a Secret of Empire; How Kings
are to make vse of their Councell of State.
That first, they ought to referre matters
vnto them, which is the first Begetting or
Impregnation; But when they are elaborate, moulded, and shaped, in the Wombe
of their Councell, and grow ripe, and ready
to be brought forth; That then, they suffer not their Councell to goe through with
the Resolution, and direction, as if it depended on them; But take the matter
backe into their owne Hands, and make
it appeare to the world, that the Decrees,
and finall Directions, ( which, because
they come forth with Prudence, and Power, are resembled to Pallas Armed) proceeded from themselues: And not onely
from their Authority, but ( the more to
adde Reputation to Themselues ) from
their Head, and Deuice.
|
| 3 |
Let vs now speake of the Inconueniences
of Counsell, and of the Remedies. The Inconueniences, that haue been noted in calling, and vsing Counsell, are three. First,
the Reuealing of Affaires, whereby they
become lesse Secret. Secondly, the Weakning of the Authority of Princes, as if
they were lesse of Themselues. Thirdly,
the Danger of being vnfaithfully counselled, and more for the good of them that
counsell, then of him that is counselled. For
which Inconueniences, the Doctrine of Italy, and Practise of France, in some Kings
times, hath introduced Cabinet Counsels;
A Remedy worse then the Disease.
|
| 4 |
As to Secrecy; Princes are not bound
to communicate all Matters, with all
Counsellors; but may extract and select.
Neither is it necessary, that he that consulteth what he should doe, should declare
what he will doe. But let Princes beware,
that the vnsecreting of their Affaires,
comes not from Themselues. And as for
Cabinet Counsels, it may be their Motto;
Plenus rimarum sum: One futile person,
that maketh it his glory to tell, will doe
more hurt, then many, that know it their
duty to conceale. It is true, there be some
Affaires, which require extreme Secrecy,
which will hardly go beyond one or two
persons, besides the King: Neither are
those Counsels vnprosperous: For besides
the Secrecy, they commonly goe on constantly in one Spirit of Direction, without
distraction. But then it must be a Prudent
King, such as is able to Grinde with a
Hand-Mill; And those Inward Counsellours, had need also, be Wise Men,
and especially true and trusty to the
Kings Ends; As it was with King Henry the Seuenth of England, who in his
greatest Businesse, imparted himselfe to
none, except it were to Morton, and
Fox.
|
| 5 |
For Weakening of Authority; The Fable
sheweth the Remedy. Nay the Maiesty of
Kings, is rather exalted, then diminished,
when they are in the Chaire of Counsell: Neither was there euer Prince, bereaued of his Dependances, by his Councell; Except where there hath beene,
either an Ouergreatnesse in one Counsellour, Or an Ouerstrict Combination in
Diuers; which are Things soone found,
and holpen.
|
| 6 |
For the last Inconuenience, that Men
will Counsell with an Eye to themselues;
Certainly, Non inueniet Fidem super terram, is meant of the Nature of Times,
and not of all particular Persons; There
be, that are in Nature, Faithfull, and Sincere, and Plaine, and Direct; Not Crafty,
and Inuolued: Let Princes, aboue all,
draw to themselues such Natures. Besides, Counsellours are not Commonly so
vnited, but that one Counsellour keepeth
Centinell ouer Another; So that if any do
Counsell out of Faction, or priuate Ends, it
commonly comes to the Kings Eare. But
the best Remedy is, if Princes know their
Counsellours, as well as their Counsellours
know Them:
Principis est Virtus maxima nosse suos.
And on the other side, Counsellours
should not be too speculatiue, into their
Soueraignes Person. The true
Composition of a Counsellour, is rather to be skilfull in their Masters Businesse, then in
his Nature; For then he is like to Aduise
him, and not to Feede his Humour. It is of
singular vse to Princes, if they take the
Opinions of their Counsell, both Seperately, and Together. For Priuate Opinion is more free; but Opinion before others is more Reuerend. In priuate, Men are more bold in their
owne Humours; And in Consort, Men
are more obnoxious to others Humours;
Therefore it is good to take both:
And of the inferiour Sort, rather in priuate, to preserue Freedome; Of the greater,
rather in Consort, to preserue Respect. It
is in vaine for Princes to take Counsel concerning Matters, if they take no Counsell
likewise concerning Persons: For all
Matters, are as dead Images; And the Life
of the Execution of Affaires, resteth in
the good Choice of Persons. Neither is
it enough to consult concerning Persons,
Secundum genera, as in an Idea, or Mathematicall Description, what the Kinde and
Character of the Person should be; For
the greatest Errours are committed, and
the most Iudgement is shewne, in the
choice of Indiuiduals. It was truly said;
Optimi Consiliarij mortui; Books will speake
plaine, when Counsellors Blanch. Therefore it is good to be conuersant in them;
Specially the Bookes of such, as Themselues haue been Actors vpon the Stage.
|
| 7 |
The Counsels, at this Day, in most Places, are but Familiar Meetings; where
Matters are rather talked on, then debated. And they run too swift to the Order or Act of Counsell. It were better, that
in Causes of weight, the Matter were propounded one day, and not spoken to, till
the next day; In Nocte Consilium. So was
it done, in the Commission of Vnion, between England and Scotland; which was
a Graue and Orderly Assembly. I commend set Daies for Petitions: For both
it giues the Suitors more certainty for
their Attendance; And it frees the Meetings for Matters of Estate, that they may
Hoc agere. In choice of Committees, for
ripening Businesse, for the Counsell, it is
better to choose Indifferent persons, then
to make an Indifferency, by putting in
those, that are strong, on both sides. I
commend also standing Commissions; As
for Trade; for Treasure; for Warre; for
Suits; for some Prouinces: For where
there be diuers particular Counsels, and but
one Counsell of Estate, ( as it is in Spaine )
they are in effect no more, then Standing
Commissions; Saue that they haue greater
Authority. Let such, as are to informe
Counsels, out of their particular Professions, ( as Lawyers, Sea-men, Mint-men, and
the like ) be first heard, before Committees;
And then, as Occasion serues, before the
Counsell. And let them not come in Multitudes, or in a Tribunitious Manner; For
that is, to clamour Counsels, not to enforme them. A long Table, and a square
Table, or Seats about the Walls, seeme
Things of Forme, but are Things of Substance; For at a long Table, a few at the
vpper end, in effect, sway all the Businesse; But in the other Forme, there is
more vse of the Counsellours Opinions,
that sit lower. A King, when he presides
in Counsell, let him beware how he Opens
his owne Inclination too much, in that
which he propoundeth: For else Counsellours will but take the Winde of him; And
in stead of giuing Free Counsell, sing him
a Song of Placebo.
|
Of Delayes.
| 1 |
FOrtune is like the Market;
Where many times, if you
can stay a little, the Price
will fall. And againe, it is
sometimes like Sybilla's
Offer; which at first offereth the Commodity at full, then consumeth part and
part, and still holdeth vp the Price. For
Occasion (as it is in the Common verse)
turneth a Bald Noddle, after she hath presented her locks in Front, and no hold taken:
Or at least turneth the Handle of the
Bottle, first to be receiued, and after the
Belly, which is hard to claspe. There is
surely no greater Wisedome, then well
to time the Beginnings, and Onsets of
Things. Dangers are no more light, if
they once seeme light: And more dangers
haue deceiued Men, then forced them.
Nay, it were better, to meet some Dangers
haIfe way, though they come nothing
neare, then to keepe too long a watch,
vpon their Approaches; For if a Man
watch too long, it is odds he will fall
asleepe. On the other side, to be deceiued, with too long shadowes, (As some
haue been, when the Moone was low,
and shone on their Enemies backe) And
so to shoot off before the time; Or to teach
dangers to come on, by ouer early Buckling towards them, is another Extreme.
The Ripenesse, or vnripenesse, of the Occasion (as we said) must euer be well
weighed; And generally, it is good, to
commit the Beginnings of all great Actions, to Argos with his hundred Eyes; And
the Ends to Briareus with his hundred
Hands: First to Watch, and then to Speed.
For the Helmet of Pluto, which maketh the
Politicke Man goe Inuisible, is, Secrecy in
the Counsell, & Celerity in the Execution.
For when Things are once come to the
Execution, there is no Secrecy comparable to Celerity; Like the Motion of a Bullet in the Ayre, which flyeth so swift, as it
out-runs the Eye.
|
Of Cunning.
| 1 |
WE take Cunning for a Sinister or Crooked Wisedome.
And certainly, there is great
difference, between a Cunning Man, and a Wise Man; Not onely in
Point of Honesty, but in point of Ability.
There be that can packe the Cards, and
yet cannot play well ; So there are some,
that are good in Canuasses, and Factions,
that are otherwise Weake Men. Againe,
it is one thing to vnderstand Persons, and
another thing to vnderstand Matters; For
many are perfect in Mens Humours, that
are not greatly Capable of the Reall Part
of Businesse; Which is the Constitution
of one, that hath studied Men, more then
Bookes. Such Men are fitter for Practise,
then for Counsell; And they are good but
in their own Alley: Turne them to New
Men, and they haue lost their Ayme; So
as the old Rule, to know a Foole from a
Wise Man; Mitte ambos nudos ad ignotos,
& videbis; doth scarce hold for them.
And because these Cunning Men, are like
Haberdashers of Small Wares, it is not amisse to set forth their Shop.
|
| 2 |
It is a point of Cunning; to wait vpon
him, with whom you speake, with your
eye; As the Iesuites giue it in precept: For
there be many Wise Men, that haue Secret
Hearts, and Transparant Countenances.
Yet this would be done, with a demure
Abasing of your Eye sometimes, as the
Iesuites also doe vse.
|
| 3 |
Another is, that when you haue any
thing to obtaine of present dispatch, you
entertaine, and amuse the party, with
whom you deale, with some other Discourse; That he be not too much awake,
to make Obiections. I knew a Counsellor
and Secretary, that neuer came to Queene
Elizabeth of England, with Bills to signe,
but he would alwaies first put her into
some discourse of Estate, that she mought
the lesse minde the Bills.
|
| 4 |
The like Surprize, may be made, by
Mouing things, when the Party is in
haste, and cannot stay, to consider aduisedly, of that is moued.
|
| 5 |
If a man would crosse a Businesse, that
he doubts some other would handsomely and effectually moue, let him pretend
to wish it well, and moue it himselfe, in
such sort, as may foile it.
|
| 6 |
The breaking off, in the midst of that,
one was about to say, as if he tooke
himselfe vp, breeds a greater Appetite in
him, with whom you conferre, to know
more.
|
| 7 |
And because it workes better, when any thing seemeth to be gotten from you
by Question, then if you offer it of your
selfe, you may lay a Bait for a Question,
by shewing another Vsage and Countenance, then you are wont; To the end, to
giue Occasion, for the party to aske, what
the Matter is of the Change? As Nehemias did; And I had not before that time been
sad before the King.
|
| 8 |
In Things, that are tender and vnpleasing, it is good to breake the Ice, by some
whose Words are of lesse weight, and to
reserue the more weighty Voice, to come
in, as by chance so that he may be asked
the Question vpon the others Speech. As
Narcissus did, in relating to Claudius, the
Marriage of Messalina and Silius.
|
| 9 |
In things, that a Man would not be
seen in, himselfe; It is a Point of Cunning,
to borrow the Name of the World; As to
say; The World sayes, Or, There is a speech
abroad.
|
| 10 |
I knew one, that when he wrote a Letter, he would put that which was most
Materiall, in the Post-script, as if it had been
a By-matter.
|
| 11 |
I knew another, that when he came to
haue Speech, he would passe ouer that,
that he intended most, and goe forth, and
come backe againe, and speake of it, as of
a Thing, that he had almost forgot.
|
| 12 |
Some procure themselues, to be surprized, at such times, as it is like, the party
that they work vpon, will suddenly come
vpon them: And to be found with a Letter in their hand, or doing somewhat
which they are not accustomed; To the
end, they may be apposed of those things,
which of themselues they are desirous to
vtter.
|
| 13 |
It is a Point of Cunning, to let fall those
Words, in a Mans owne Name, which he
would haue another Man learne, and vse,
and thereupon take Aduantage. I knew
two, that were Competitors, for the Secretaries Place, in Queene Elizabeths time,
and yet kept good Quarter betweene
themselues; And would conferre, one
with another, vpon the Businesse; And
the one of them said, That to be a Secretary, in the Declination of a Monarchy,
was a Ticklish Thing, and that he did not
affect it: The other, straight caught
vp those Words, and discoursed with diuers of his Friends, that he had no reason to desire to be Secretary, in the Declination of a Monarchy. The first Man tooke
hold of it, and found Meanes, it was told
the Queene; Who hearing of a Declination
of a Monarchy, tooke it so ill, as she would
neuer after heare of the others Suit.
|
| 14 |
There is a Cunning, which we in England call, The Turning of the Cat in the Pan;
which is, when that which a Man sayes to
another, he laies it, as if Another had said
it to him. And to say Truth, it is not easie,
when such a Matter passed between two,
to make it appeare, from which of them,
it first moued and began.
|
| 15 |
It is a way, that some men haue, to
glaunce and dart at Others, by Iustifying
themselues, by Negatiues; As to say, This
I doe not: As Tigillinus did towards Burrhus; se non diuersas spes, sed Incolumitatem
Imperatoris simpliciter spectare.
|
| 16 |
Some haue in readinesse, so many Tales
and Stories, as there is Nothing, they
would insinuate, but they can wrap it in
to a Tale; which serueth both to keepe
themselues more in Guard, and to make
others carry it, with more Pleasure.
|
| 17 |
It is a good Point of Cunning, for a
Man, to shape the Answer he would
haue, in his owne Words, and Propositi-
Propositions; For it makes the other Party sticke
the lesse.
|
| 18 |
It is strange, how long some Men will
lie in wait, to speake somewhat, they desire to say; And how farre about they will
fetch; And how many other Matters they
will beat ouer, to come neare it. It is a
Thing of great Patience, but yet of much
Vse.
|
| 19 |
A sudden, bold, and vnexpected Question, doth many times surprise a Man,
and lay him open. Like to him, that hauing changed his Name, and walking
in Pauls, Another suddenly came behind
him, and called him by his true Name,
whereat straightwaies he looked backe.
|
| 20 |
But these Small Wares, and Petty Points
of Cunning, are infinite: And it were a
good deed, to make a List of them: For
that nothing doth more hurt in a State,
then that Cunning Men passe for Wise.
|
| 21 |
But certainly, some there are, that know
the Resorts and Falls of Businesse, that
cannot sinke into the Maine of it: Like a
House, that hath conuenient Staires, and
Entries, but neuer a faire Roome. Therfore, you shall see them finde out pretty
Looses in the Conclusion, but are no
waies able to Examine, or debate Matters. And yet commonly they take aduantage of their Inability, and would be
thought Wits of direction. Some build
rather vpon the Abusing of others, and (as
we now say;) Putting Tricks vpon them;
Then vpon Soundnesse of their own proceedings. But Salomon saith; Prudens aduertit ad Gressus suos: Stultus diuertit ad
Dolos.
|
Of Wisedome
for a Mans selfe.
| 1 |
AN Ant is a wise Creature for
it Selfe; But it is a shrewd
Thing, in an Orchard, or
Garden. And certainly,
Men that are great Louers
of Themselues, waste the Publique. Diuide
with reason betweene Selfe-loue, and Society: And be so true to thy Selfe, as thou
be not false to Others; Specially to thy
King, and Country. It is a poore Center
of a Mans Actions, Himselfe. It is right
Earth. For that onely stands fast vpon his
owne Center; Whereas all Things, that
haue Affinity with the Heauens, moue
vpon the Center of another, which they
benefit. The Referring of all to a Mans
Selfe, is more tolerable in a Soueraigne
Prince; Because Themselues are not onely
Themselues; But their Good and Euill, is
at the perill of the Publique Fortune. But
it is a desperate Euill in a Seruant to a
Prince, or a Citizen in a Republique. For
whatsoeuer Affaires passe such a Mans
Hands, he crooketh them to his owne
Ends: Which must needs be often Eccentrick to the Ends of his
Master, or State.
Therefore let Princes, or States, choose
such Seruants, as haue not this marke; Except they meane their seruice should be
made but the Accessary. That which maketh the Effect more pernicious, is, that all
Proportion is lost. It were disproportion
enough, for the Seruants Good, to be
preferred before the Masters; But yet it is
a greater Extreme, when a little Good of
the Seruant, shall carry Things, against a
great Good of the Masters. And yet that
is the case of Bad Officers, Treasurers, Ambassadours, Generals, and other False and
Corrupt Seruants; which set a Bias vpon
their Bowle, of their owne Petty Ends,
and Enuies, to the ouerthrow of their
Masters Great and Important Affaires.
And for the most part, the Good such
Seruants receiue, is after the Modell of
their own Fortune; But the Hurt they sell
for that Good, is after the Modell of their
Masters Fortune. And certainly, it is the
Nature of Extreme Selfe-Louers; As they
will set an House on Fire, and it were but
to roast their Egges: And yet these Men,
many times, hold credit with their Masters; Because their Study is but to please
Them, and profit Themselues: And for either respect, they will abandon the Good
of their Affaires.
|
| 2 |
Wisedome for a Mans selfe, is in many
Branches thereof, a depraued Thing. It is
the Wisedome of Rats, that will be sure to
leaue a House, somewhat before it fall. It
is the Wisedome of the Fox, that thrusts out
the Badger, who digged & made Roome
for him. It is the Wisedome of Crocodiles,
that shed teares, when they would deuoure. But that which is specially to be
noted, is, that those, which (as Cicero saies
of Pompey) are, Sui Amantes sine Riuali, are
many times vnfortunate. And whereas
they haue all their time sacrificed to Themselues, they become in the end themselues
Sacrifices to the Inconstancy of Fortune;
whose Wings they thought, by their SelfWisedome, to haue Pinnioned.
|
Of Innouations.
| 1 |
AS the Births of Liuing
Creatures, at first, are ill
shapen: so are all Innouations, which are the
Births of Time. Yet notwithstanding, as Those
that first bring Honour into their Family, are commonly more worthy, then
most that succeed: So the first President
(if it be good) is seldome attained by Imitation. For Ill, to Mans Nature, as it stands
peruerted, hath a Naturall Motion, strongest in Continuance: But Good, as a Forced Motion, strongest at first. Surely euery Medicine is an Innouation; And he
that will not apply New Remedies, must
expect New Euils: For Time is the greatest Innouatour: And if Time, of course,
alter Things to the worse, and Wisedome,
and Counsell shall not alter them to the
better, what shall be the End? It is true,
that what is setled by Custome, though it
be not good, yet at least it is fit. And those
Things, which haue long gone together,
are as it were confederate within themselues: Whereas New Things peece not so
well; But though they helpe by their vtility, yet they trouble, by their Inconformity. Besides, they are like Strangers;
more Admired, and lesse Fauoured. All
this is true, if Time stood still; which contrariwise moueth so round, that a Froward Retention of Custome, is as turbulent a Thing, as an Innouation: And they
that Reuerence too much Old Times, are
but a Scorne to the New. It were good
therefore, that Men in their Innouations,
would follow the Example of Time it
selfe; which indeed Innouateth greatly, but
quietly, and by degrees, scarce to be perceiued: For otherwise, whatsoeuer is
New, is vnlooked for; And euer it mends
Some, and paires Other: And he that is
holpen, takes it for a Fortune, and thanks
the Time; And he that is hurt, for a
wrong, and imputeth it to the Author.
It is good also, not to try Experiments in
States; Except the Necessity be Vrgent, or
the vtility Euident: And well to beware,
that it be the Reformation, that draweth
on the Change; And not the desire of
Change, that pretendeth the Reformation. And lastly, that the Nouelty, though it
be not reiected, yet be held for a Suspect:
And, as the Scripture saith; That we make
a stand vpon the Ancient Way, and then looke
about vs, and discouer, what is the straight,
and right way, and so to walke in it.
|
Of Dispatch.
| 1 |
AFected Dispatch, is one of
the most dangerous things
to Businesse that can be. It
is like that, which the Physicians call Predigestion, or
Hasty Digestion; which is sure to fill the
Body, full of Crudities, and secret Seeds
of Diseases. Therefore, measure not Dispatch, by the Times of Sitting, but by the
Aduancement of the Businesse. And as
in Races, it is not the large stride, or High
Lift, that makes the Speed: So in Businesse, the Keeping close to the matter, and
not Taking of it too much at once, procureth Dispatch. It is the Care of Some,
onely to come off speedily, for the time;
Or to contriue some false Periods of Businesse, because they may seeme Men of
Dispatch. But it is one Thing, to
Abbreuiate by Contracting, Another by Cutting
off: And Businesse so handled at seuerall
Sittings or Meetings, goeth commonly
backward and forward, in an vnsteady
Manner. I knew a Wise Man, that had it
for a By-word, when he saw Men hasten
to a conclusion; Stay a little, that we may
make an End the sooner.
|
| 2 |
On the other side, True Dispatch is a
rich Thing. For Time is the measure of
Businesse, as Money is of Wares: And
Businesse is bought at a deare Hand,
where there is small dispatch. The Spartans, and Spaniards, haue been noted to be
of Small dispatch; Mi venga la Muerte de
Spagna; Let my Death come from Spaine;
For then it will be sure to be long in comming.
|
| 3 |
Giue good Hearing to those, that giue
the first Information in Businesse; And
rather direct them in the beginning, then
interrupt them in the continuance of
their Speeches: for he that is put out of his
owne Order, will goe forward and backward, and be more tedious while he waits
vpon his Memory, then he could haue
been, if he had gone on, in his owne
course. But sometimes it is seene, that the
Moderator is more troublesome, then
the Actor.
|
| 4 |
Iterations are commonly losse of Time:
But there is no such Gaine of Time, as to
iterate often the State of the Question:
For it chaseth away many a Friuolous
Speech, as it is comming forth. Long and
Curious Speeches, are as fit for Dispatch, as
a Robe or Mantle with a long Traine, is
for Race. Prefaces, and Passages, and Excusations, and other Speeches of Reference to the Person, are great wasts of
Time; And though they seeme to proceed of Modesty, they are Brauery. Yet
beware of being too Materiall, when there
is any Impediment or Obstruction in
Mens Wils; For Pre-occupation of Minde,
euer requireth preface of Speech; Like a
Fomentation to make the vnguent enter.
|
| 5 |
Aboue all things, Order, and Distribution, and Singling out of Parts, is the life
of Dispatch; So as the Distribution be not
too subtill: For he that doth not diuide,
will neuer enter well into Businesse; And
he that diuideth too much, will neuer
come out of it clearely. To choose Time,
is to saue Time; And an Vnseasonable
Motion is but Beating the Ayre. There
be three Parts of Businesse: The Preparation; The Debate, or Examination; And
the Perfection. Whereof, if you looke for
Dispatch, let the Middle onely be the
Worke of Many, and the First and Last
the Worke of Few. The Proceeding vpon
somewhat conceiued in Writing, doth
for the most part facilitate Dispatch: For
though it should be wholly reiected, yet
that Negatiue is more pregnant of Direction, then an Indefinite; As Ashes are
more Generatiue then Dust.
|
Of Seeming wise.
| 1 |
IT hath been an Opinion,
that the French are wiser then they seeme; And
the Spaniards seeme wiser then they are. But
howsoeuer it be between Nations, Certainly it is so between
Man and Man. For as the Apostle saith of
Godlinesse; Hauing a shew of Godlinesse, but
denying the Power thereof; So certainly,
there are in Point of Wisedome, and Sufficiency, that doe Nothing or Little, very
solemnly; Magno conatu Nugas. It is a
Ridiculous Thing, and fit for a Satyre, to
Persons of Iudgement, to see what shifts
these Formalists haue, and what Prospectiues, to make Superficies to seeme Body,
that hath Depth and Bulke. Some are so
Close and Reserued, as they will not shew
their Wares, but by a darke Light; And
seeme alwaies to keepe backe somewhat;
And when they know within themselues, they speake of that they doe not
well know, would neuerthelesse seeme to
others, to know of that which they may
not well speake. Some helpe themselues
with Countenance, and Gesture, and are
wise by Signes; As Cicero saith of Piso,
that when he answered him, he fetched
one of his Browes, vp to his Forehead, and
bent the other downe to his Chin: Respondes, altero ad Frontem sublato, altero ad
Mentum depresso Supercilio; Crudelitatem
tibi non placere. Some thinke to beare it,
by Speaking a great Word, and being peremptory; And goe on, and take by admittance that, which they cannot make
good. Some, whatsoeuer is beyond their
reach, will seeme to despise or make light
of it, as Impertinent, or Curious; And so
would haue their Ignorance seeme Iudgement. Some are neuer without a difference, and commonly by Amusing
Men with a Subtilty, blanch the matter;
Of whom A. Gellius saith; Hominem delirum, qui Verborum Minutijs Rerum frangit
Pondera. Of which kinde also, Plato in
his Protagoras bringeth in Prodicus, in
Scorne, and maketh him make a Speech,
that consisteth of distinctions from the
Beginning to the End. Generally, Such
Men in all Deliberations, finde ease to be
of the Negatiue Side; and affect a Credit,
to obiect and foretell Difficulties: For
when propositions are denied, there is an
End of them; But if they be allowed, it requireth a New Worke: which false Point
of Wisedome, is the Bane of Businesse.
To conclude, there is no decaying Merchant, or Inward Beggar, hath so many Tricks, to vphold the Credit of their
wealth, as these Empty persons haue, to
maintaine the Credit of their Sufficiency.
Seeming Wise-men may make shift to get
Opinion: But let no Man choose them
for Employment; For certainly, you were
better take for Businesse, a Man somewhat
Absurd, then ouer Formall.
|
Of Frendship .
| 1 |
IT had beene hard for
him that spake it, to
haue put more Truth
and vntruth together,
in few Words, then in
that speech; Whosoeuer
is delighted in solitude, is either a wilde Beast,
or a God. For it is most true, that a Naturall and secret Hatred, and Auersation
towards Society, in any Man, hath somewhat of the sauage Beast; But it is most
Vntrue, that it should haue any Character, at all, of the Diuine Nature; Except
it proceed, not out of a Pleasure in Solitude, but out of a Loue and desire, to sequester a Mans Selfe, for a higher Conuersation: Such as is found, to haue been
falsely and fainedly, in some of the Heathen; As Epimenides the Candian, Numa
the Roman, Empedocles the Scicilian, and
Apollonius of Tyana; And truly and really, in diuers of the Ancient Hermits, and
Holy Fathers of the Church. But little doe
Men perceiue, what Solitude is, and how
farre it extendeth. For a Crowd is not
Company; And Faces are but a Gallery
of Pictures; And Talke but a Tinckling
Cymball, where there is no Loue. The Latine Adage meeteth with it a little; Magna
Ciuitas, Magna solitudo; Because in a great
Towne, Friends are scattered; So that there
is not that Fellowship, for the most Part,
which is in lesse Neighbourhoods. But we
may goe further, and affirme most truly;
That it is a meere, and miserable Solitude,
to want true Friends; without which the
World is but a Wildernesse: And euen in
this sense also of Solitude, whosoeuer in
the Frame of his Nature and Affections,
is vnfit for Friendship, he taketh it of the
Beast, and not from Humanity.
|
| 2 |
A principall Fruit of Friendship, is the
Ease and Discharge f the Fulnesse and
Swellings of the Heart, which Passions
of all kinds doe cause and induce. We
know Diseases of Stoppings, and Suffocations, are the most dangerous in the body; And it is not much otherwise in the
Minde: You may take Sarza to open the
Liuer; Steele to open the Spleene; Flower
of Sulphur for the Lungs; Castoreum for
the Braine; but no Receipt openeth the
Heart, But a true Friend, to whom you
may impart, Griefes, Ioyes, Feares, Hopes,
Suspicions, Counsels, and whatsoeuer lieth vpon the Heart, to oppresse it, in a kind
of Ciuill Shrift or Confession.
|
| 3 |
It is a Strange Thing to obserue, how
high a Rate, Great Kings and Monarchs,
do set vpon this Fruit of Friendship, wherof we speake: So great, as they purchase it,
many times, at the hazard of their owne
Safety, and Greatnesse. For Princes, in regard of the distance of their Fortune, from
that of their Subiects & Seruants, cannot
gather this Fruit; Except (to make Themselues capable thereof) they raise some
Persons, to be as it were Companions, and
almost Equals to themselues, which many
times sorteth to Inconuenience. The
Moderne Languages giue vnto such Persons, the Name of Fauorites, or Priuadoes;
As if it were Matter of Grace, or Conuersation. But the Roman Name attaineth
the true Vse, and Cause thereof; Naming
them Participes Curarum; For it is that,
which tieth the knot. And we see plainly, that this hath been done, not by Weake
and Passionate Princes onely, but by the
Wisest, and most Politique that euer reigned; Who haue oftentimes ioyned to
themselues, some of their Seruants; Whom
both Themselues haue called Frends;
And allowed Others likewise to call them
in the same manner; Vsing the Word
which is receiued between Priuate Men.
|
| 4 |
L. Sylla, when he commanded Rome,
raised Pompey (after surnamed the Great)
to that Heigth, that Pompey vaunted Himselfe for Sylla's Ouermatch. For when he
had carried the Consulship for a Frend of
his, against the pursuit of Sylla, and that
Sylla did a little resent thereat, and began
to speake great, Pompey turned vpon him
againe, and in effect bad him be quiet;
For that more Men adored the sunne Rising, then the Sunne setting. With Iulius Cæsar, Decimus Brutus had obtained that Interest, as he set him downe, in his Testament, for Heire in Remainder, after his
Nephew. And this was the Man, that had
power with him, to draw him forth to
his death. For when Cæsar would haue
discharged the Senate, in regard of some
ill Presages, and specially a Dreame of Calpurnia; This Man lifted him gently by the
Arme, out of his Chaire, telling him, he
hoped he would not dismisse the Senate,
till his wife had dreamt a better Dreame.
And it seemeth, his fauour was so great, as
Antonius in a Letter, which is recited Verbatim, in one of Cicero's Philippiques, calleth him Venefica, Witch; As if he had enchanted Cæsar. Augustus raised Agrippa
(though of meane Birth) to that Heighth,
as when he consulted with Mæcenas, about the Marriage of his Daughter Iulia,
Mæcenas tooke the Liberty to tell him;
That he must either marry his Daughter to
Agrippa, or take away his life, there was no
third way, he had made him so great. With Tiberius Cæsar, Seianus had ascended to that
Height, as they Two were tearmed and
reckoned, as a Paire of Frends. Tiberius
in a Letter to him saith; Hec pro Amicitiâ nostrâ non occultaui: And the whole
Senate, dedicated an Altar to Frendship, as
to a Goddesse, in respect of the great Dearenesse of Frendship, between them Two.
The like or more was between Septimius
Seuerus, and Plantianus. For he forced his
Eldest Sonne to marry the Daughter of
Plantianus; And would often maintaine
Pantianus, in doing Affronts to his Son:
And did write also in a Letter to the Senate, by these Words; I loue the Man so
well, as I wish he may ouer-liue me. Now
if these Princes, had beene as a Traian, or
a Marcus Aurelius, A Man might haue
thought, that this had proceeded of an abundant Goodnesse of Nature; But being
Men so Wise, of such Strength and Seueritie of minde, and so Extreme Louers of
Themselues, as all these were; It proueth
most plainly, that they found their owne
Felicitie (though as great as euer happened
to Mortall Men) but as an Halfe Peece,
except they mought haue a Frend to make
it Entire: And yet, which is more, they
were Princes, that had Wiues, Sonnes, Nephews; And yet all these could not supply the Comfort of Frendship.
|
| 5 |
It is not to be forgotten, what Commineus obserueth, of his first Master Duke
Charles the Hardy; Namely, that hee
would communicate his Secrets with
none; And least of all, those Secrets,
which troubled him most. Whereupon
he goeth on, and saith, That towards his
Latter time; That closenesse did impaire, and
a little perish his vnderstanding. Surely
Commineus mought haue made the same
Iudgement also, if it had pleased him, of
his Second Master Lewis the Eleuenth,
whose closenesse was indeed his Tormentour. The Parable of Pythagoras is darke,
but true; Cor ne edito; Eat not the Heart.
Certainly, if a Man would giue it a hard
Phrase, Those that want Frends to open
themselues vnto, are Canniballs of their
owne Hearts. But one Thing is most Admirable, (wherewith I will conclude this
first Fruit of frendship) which is, that this
Communicating of a Mans Selfe to his
Frend, works two contrarie Effects; For
it redoubleth Ioyes, and cutteth Griefes in
Halfes. For there is no Man, that imparteth his Ioyes to his Frend, but he ioyeth
the more; And no Man, that imparteth
his Griefes to his Frend, but hee grieueth
the lesse. So that it is, in Truth of Operation vpon a Mans Minde, of like vertue,
as the Alchymists vse to attribute to their
Stone, for Mans Bodie; That it worketh
all Contrary Effects, but still to the Good,
and Benefit of Nature. But yet, without
praying in Aid of Alchymists, there is a
manifest Image of this, in the ordinarie
course of Nature. For in Bodies, Vnion
strengthneth and cherisheth any Naturall
Action; And, on the other side, weakneth
and dulleth any violent Impression: And
euen so is it of Minds.
|
| 6 |
The second Fruit of Frendship, is
Healthfull and Soueraigne for the Vnderstanding, as the first is for the Affections.
For Frendship maketh indeed a faire Day
in the Affections, from Storme and Tempests: But it maketh Day-light in the Vnderstanding, out of Darknesse and Confusion of Thoughts. Neither is this to be vnderstood, onely of Faithfull Counsell,
which a Man receiueth from his Frend;
But before you come to that, certaine it
is, that whosoeuer hath his Minde fraught,
with many Thoughts, his Wits and Vnderstanding doe clarifie and breake vp, in
the Communicating and discoursing
with Another: He tosseth his Thoughts,
more easily; He marshalleth them more
orderly; He seeth how they looke when
they are turned into Words; Finally, He
waxeth wiser then Himselfe; And that
more by an Houres discourse, then by a
Dayes Meditation. It was well said by
Themistocles to the King of Persia; That
speech was like Cloth of Arras, opened, and
put abroad; Whereby the Imagery doth appeare in Figure; whereas in Thoughts, they
lie but as in Packs. Neither is this Second
Fruit of Frendship, in opening the Vnderstanding, restrained onely to such Frends,
as are able to giue a Man Counsell: (They
indeed are best) But euen, without that, a
Man learneth of Himselfe, and bringeth
his owne Thoughts to Light, and whetteth his Wits as against a Stone, which it
selfe cuts not. In a word, a Man were better relate himselfe, to a Statua, or Picture,
then to suffer his Thoughts to passe in
smother.
|
| 7 |
Adde now, to make this Second Fruit
of Frendship compleat, that other Point,
which lieth more open, and faileth within
Vulgar Obseruation; which is Faithfull
Counsell from a Frend. Heraclitus saith
well, in one of his AEnigmaes; Dry Light
is euer the best. And certaine it is, that the
Light, that a Man receiueth, by Counsell
from Another, is Drier, and purer, then
that which commeth from his owne Vnderstanding, and Iudgement; which is
euer infused and drenched in his Affections and Customes. So as, there is as much
difference, betweene the Counsell, that a
Frend giueth, and that a Man giueth himselfe, as there is between the Counsell of a
Frend, and of a Flatterer. For there is no
such Flatterer, as is a Mans Selfe; And
there is no such Remedy, against Flattery of a Mans Selfe, as the Liberty of a
Frend. Counsell is of two Sorts; The one
concerning Manners, the other concerning Businesse. For the First; The best
Preseruatiue to keep the Minde in Health,
is the faithfull Admonition of a Frend.
The Calling of a Mans Selfe, to a Strict
Account, is a Medicine, sometime, too
Piercing and Corrosiue. Reading good
Bookes of Morality, is a little Flat, and
Dead. Obseruing our Faults in Others,
is sometimes vnproper for our Case. But
the best Receipt (best (I say) to worke,
and best to take) is the Admonition of a
Frend. It is a strange thing to behold,
what grosse Errours, and extreme Absurdities, Many (especially of the greater
Sort) doe commit, for want of a Frend,
to tell them of them; To the great
dammage, both of their Fame, & Fortune. For,
as S. Iames saith, they are as Men, that looke
sometimes into a Glasse, and presently forget
their own Shape, & Fauour. As for Businesse,
a Man may thinke, if he will, that two Eyes
see no more then one; Or that a Gamester seeth alwaies more then a Looker on;
Or that a Man in Anger, is as Wise as he,
that hath said ouer the foure and twenty
Letters; Or that a Musket may be shot off,
aswell vpon the Arme, as vpon a Rest;
And such other fond and high Imaginations, to thinke Himselfe All in All. But
when all is done, the Helpe of good Counsell, is that, which setteth Businesse straight.
And if any Man thinke, that he will take
Counsell, but it shall be by Peeces; Asking
Counsell in one Businesse of one Man, and
in another Businesse of another Man; It
is well, ( that is to say, better perhaps then
if he asked none at all; ) but he runneth
two dangers: One, that he shall not be
faithfully counselled; For it is a rare Thing,
except it be from a perfect and entire
Frend, to haue Counsell giuen, but such
as shalbe bowed and crooked to some
ends, which he hath that giueth it. The
other, that he shall haue Counsell giuen,
hurtfull, and vnsafe, (though with good
Meaning) and mixt, partly of Mischiefe,
and partly of Remedy: Euen as if you
would call a Physician, that is thought
good, for the Cure of the Disease, you complaine of, but is vnacquainted with your
body; And therefore, may put you in way
for a present Cure, but ouerthroweth
your Health in some other kinde; And so
cure the Disease, and kill the Patient. But
a Frend, that is wholly acquainted with a
Mans Estate, will beware by furthering
any present Businesse, how he dasheth vpon other Inconuenience. And therefore,
rest not vpon Scattered Counsels; They will
rather distract, and Misleade, then Settle,
and Direct.
|
| 8 |
After these two Noble Fruits of Frendship; (Peace in the Affections, and Support
of the Iudgement,) followeth the last Fruit;
which is like the Pomgranat, full of many
kernels; I meane Aid, and Bearing a Part,
in all Actions, and Occasions. Here, the best
Way, to represent to life the manifold vse
of Frendship, is to cast and see, how many
Things there are, which a Man cannot
doe Himselfe; And then it will appeare,
that it was a Sparing Speech of the Ancients, to say, That a Frend is another Himselfe: For that a Frend is farre more then
Himselfe. Men haue their Time, and die
many times in desire of some Things,
which they principally take to Heart; The
Bestowing of a Child, The Finishing of a
Worke, Or the like. If a Man haue a true Frend,
he may rest almost secure, that the
Care of those Things, will continue after
Him. So that a Man hath as it were two
Liues in his desires. A Man hath a Body,
and that Body is confined to a Place; But
where Frendship is, all Offices of Life, are as it were granted to Him, and his Deputy. For he may exercise them by his Frend.
How many Things are there, which a
Man cannot, with any Face or Comelines,
say or doe Himselfe? A Man can scarce
alledge his owne Merits with modesty,
much lesse extoll them: A man cannot
sometimes brooke to Supplicate or Beg:
And a number of the like. But all these
Things, are Gracefull in a Frends Mouth,
which are Blushing in a Mans Owne. So
againe, a Mans Person hath many proper
Relations, which he cannot put off. A
Man cannot speake to his Sonne, but as a
Father; To his Wife, but as a Husband;
To his Enemy, but vpon Termes: whereas a Frend may speak, as the Case requires,
and not as it sorteth with the Person. But
to enumerate these Things were endlesse:
I haue giuen the Rule, where a Man cannot fitly play his owne Part: If he haue
not a Frend, he may quit the Stage.
|
Of Expence.
| 1 |
RIches are for Spending;
And Spending for Honour and good Actions. Therefore Extraordinary Expence must
be limitted by the
Worth of the Occasion: For Voluntary
Vndoing, may be aswell for a Mans Country, as for the Kingdome of Heauen. But
Ordinary Expence ought to be limitted
by a Mans Estate; And gouerned with
such regard, as it be within his Compasse;
And not subiect to Deceit and Abuse of
Seruants; And ordered to the best Shew,
that the Bils may be lesse, then the Estimation abroad. Certainly, if a Man will keep
but of Euen hand, his Ordinary Expences
ought to be, but to the Halfe of his Receipts; And if he thinke to waxe Rich, but
to the Third Part. It is no Basenesse, for
the Greatest, to descend and looke, into
their owne Estate. Some forbeare it, not
vpon Negligence alone, But doubting
to bring Themselues into Melancholy, in
respect they shall finde it Broken. But
Wounds cannot be Cured without Searching. He that cannot looke into his own
Estate at all, had need both Choose well,
those whom he employeth, and change
them often: For New are more Timorous, and lesse Subtile. He that can looke
into his Estate but seldome, it behoueth
him to turne all to Certainties. A Man had
need, if he be Plentifull, in some kinde of
Expence, to be as Sauing againe, in some
other. As if he be Plentifull in Diet, to be
Sauing in Apparell: If he be Plentifull in
the Hall, to be Sauing in the Stable: And
the like. For he that is Plentifull in Expences of all Kindes, will hardly be preserued
from Decay. In Clearing of a Mans Estate, he may as well hurt Himselfe in being too sudden, as in letting it runne on
too long. For hasty Selling is
commonly as Disaduantageable as Interest. Besides, he that cleares at once, will relapse;
For finding himselfe out of Straights, he
will reuert to his Customes: But hee that
cleareth by Degrees, induceth a Habite of
Frugalitie, and gaineth as well vpon his
Minde, as vpon his Estate. Certainly, who
hath a State to repaire, may not despise
small Things: And commonly, it is lesse
dishonourable, to abridge pettie Charges,
then to stoope to pettie Gettings. A Man
ought warily to beginne Charges, which
once begun will Continue: But in Matters, that returne not, he may be more
Magnificent.
|
Of the true Greatnesse of Kingdomes and Estates.
| 1 |
THe Speech of Themistocles
the Athenian, which was
Haughtie and Arrogant, in
taking so much to Himselfe, had been a Graue and
Wise Obseruation and Censure, applied at
large to others. Desired at a Feast to touch
a Lute, he said; He could not fiddle, but yet
he could make a small Towne, a great Citty.
These Words ( holpen a little with a Metaphore ) may expresse two differing Abilities, in those that deale in Businesse of
Estate. For if a true Suruey be taken, of
Counsellours and Statesmen, t
here may
be found ( though rarely ) those, which
can make a Small State Great, and yet cannot Fiddle: As on the other side, there
will be found a great many, that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are so farre
from being able, to make a Small State
Great, as their Gift lieth the other way; To
bring a Great and Flourishing Estate to
Ruine and Decay. And certainly, those
Degenerate Arts and Shifts, whereby many Counsellours and Gouernours, gaine
both Fauour with their Masters, and Estimation with the Vulgar, deserue no better Name then Fidling; Being Things, rather pleasing for the time, and gracefull to
themselues onely, then tending to the
Weale and Aduancement of the State,
which they serue. There are also (no
doubt) Counsellours and Gouernours,
which may be held sufficient, (Negotijs
pares,) Able to mannage Affaires, and to
keepe them from Precipices, and manifest
Inconueniences; which neuerthelesse, are
farre from the Abilitie, to raise and Amplifie an Estate, in Power, Meanes, and Fortune. But be the worke-men what they
may be, let vs speake of the Worke; That
is; The true Greatnesse of Kingdomes and
Estates; and the Meanes thereof. An Argument, fit for Great and Mightie Princes, to haue in their hand; To the end,
that neither by Ouer-measuring their Forces, they leese themselues in vaine Enterprises; Nor on the other side, by vnderualuing them, they descend to Fearefull
and Pusillanimous Counsells.
|
| 2 |
The Greatnesse of an Estate in Bulke
and Territorie, doth fall vnder Measure;
And the Greatnesse of Finances and Reuenew doth fall vnder Computation. The
Population may appeare by Musters: And
the Number and Greatnesse of Cities and
Townes, by Cards and Maps. But yet
there is not any Thing amongst Ciuill
Affaires, more subiect to Errour, then the
right valuation, and true Iudgement, concerning the Power and Forces of an Estate. The Kingdome of Heauen is compared, not to any great Kernell or Nut, but
to a Graine of Mustard-seed; which is one
of the least Graines, but hath in it a Propertie and Spirit, hastily to get vp and
spread. So are there States, great in
Territorie, and yet not apt to Enlarge, or
Command; And some, that haue but a
small Dimension of Stemme, and yet apt
to be the Foundations of Great Monarchies.
|
| 3 |
Walled Townes, Stored Arcenalls and
Armouries, Goodly Races of Horse, Chariots of Warre, Elephants, Ordnance, Artillery, and the like: All this is but a Sheep
in a Lions Skin, except the Breed and disposition of the People, be stout and warlike. Nay Number (it selfe) in Armies,
importeth not much, where the People is
of weake Courage: For (as Virgil saith)
It neuer troubles a Wolfe, how many the
sheepe be. The Armie of the Persians, in
the Plaines of Arbela, was such a vast Sea
of People, as it did somewhat astonish
the Commanders in Alexanders Armie;
Who came to him therefore, and wisht
him, to set vpon them by Night; But hee
answered, He would not pilfer the Victory.
And the Defeat was Easie. When Tigranes
the Armenian, being incamped vpon a
Hill, with 400 000. Men, discouered the
Armie of the Romans, being not aboue
14000. Marching towards him, he made
himselfe Merry with it, and said; Yonder
Men, are too Many for an Ambassage, and too
Few for a Fight. But before the Sunne sett,
he found them enough, to giue him the
Chace, with infinite Slaughter. Many are
the Examples, of the great oddes between
Number and Courage: So that a Man
may truly make a Iudgement; That the
Principal Point of Greatnesse in any State,
is to haue a Race of Military Men. Neither is Money the Sinewes of Warre, ( as
it is triuially said) where the Sinewes of
Mens Armes, in Base and Effeminate People, are failing. For Solon said well to Croesus (when in Ostentation he shewed him
his Gold) Sir, if any Other come, that hath
better Iron then you, he will be Master of all
this Gold. Therfore let any Prince or State,
thinke soberly of his Forces, except his
Militia of Natiues, be of good and Valiant Soldiers. And let Princes, on the other side, that haue Subiects of Martiall
disposition, know their owne Strength;
vnlesse they be otherwise wanting vnto
Themselues. As for Mercenary Forces,
( which is the Helpe in this Case) all Examples shew; That whatsoeuer Estate or
Prince doth rest vpon them; Hee may
spread his Feathers for a time, but he will
mew them soone after.
|
| 4 |
The Blessing of Iudah and Issachar will
neuer meet; That the same People or Nation, should be both The Lions whelpe, and
the Asse betweene Burthens: Neither will it
be, that a People ouer-laid with Taxes,
should euer become Valiant, and Martiall. It is true, that Taxes leuied by Consent of the Estate, doe abate Mens Courage lesse; As it hath beene seene notably,
in the Excises of the Low Countries; And
in some degree, in the Subsidies of England.
For you must note, that we speake now,
of the Heart, and not of the Purse. So
that, although the same Tribute and Tax,
laid by Consent, or by Imposing, be all
one to the Purse, yet it workes diuersly
vpon the Courage. So that you may
conclude; That no People, ouer charged
with Tribute, is fit for Empire.
|
| 5 |
Let States that aime at Greatnesse, take
heed how their Nobility and Gentlemen,
doe multiply too fast. For that maketh the
Common Subiect, grow to be a Peasant,
and Base Swaine, driuen out of Heart, and
in effect but the Gentlemans Labourer. Euen as you may see in Coppice Woods;
If you leaue your staddles too thick, you shall
neuer haue cleane Vnderwood, but Shrubs and
Bushes. So in Countries, if the Gentlemen
be too many, the Commons will be base;
And you will bring it to that, that not the
hundred poll, will be fit for an Helmet:
Especially as to the Infantery, which is
the Nerue of an Army: And so there will
be Great Population, and Little Strength.
This, which I speake of, hath been no
where better seen, then by comparing of
England and France; whereof England,
though farre lesse in Territory and Population, hath been (neuerthelesse) an Ouermatch; In regard, the Middle People
of England, make good Souldiers, which
the Peasants of France doe not. And here
in, the deuice of King Henry the Seuenth,
( whereof I haue spoken largely in the History of his Life was Profound, and Admirable; In making Farmes, and houses
of Husbandry, of a Standard; That is,
maintained with such a Proportion of
Land vnto them, as may breed a Subiect,
to liue in Conuenient Plenty, and no Seruile Condition; And to keepe the Plough
in the Hands of the Owners, and not
meere Hirelings. And thus indeed, you
shall attaine to Virgils Character, which
he giues to Ancient Italy.
--- Terra potens Armis atque vbere Glebæ.
Neither is that State ( which for any thing
I know, is almost peculiar to England, and
hardly to be found any where else, except
it be perhaps in Poland) to be passed ouer;
I meane the State of Free Seruants and
Attendants vpon Noblemen and Gentlemen; which are no waies inferiour, vnto
the Yeomanry, for Armes. And therefore,
out of all Question, the Splendour, and
Magnificence, and great Retinues, and
Hospitality of Noblemen, and Gentlemen,
receiued into Custome, doth much conduce, vnto Martiall Greatnesse. Whereas,
contrariwise, the Close and Reserued liuing, of Noblemen, and Gentlemen, causeth
a Penury of Military Forces.
|
| 6 |
By all meanes, it is to be procured, that
the Trunck of Nebuchadnezzars Tree of
Monarchy, be great enough, to beare the
Branches, and the Boughes; That is, That
the Naturall Subiects of the Crowne or
State, beare a sufficient Proportion, to the
Stranger Subiects, that they gouerne. Therfore all States, that are liberall of Naturalization towards Strangers, are fit for Empire. For to thinke, that an Handfull of
People, can, with the greatest Courage,
and Policy in the World, embrace too
large Extent of Dominion, it may hold
for a time, but it will faile suddainly. The
Spartans were a nice People, in Point of
Naturalization; whereby, while they kept
their Compasse, they stood firme; But
when they did spread, and their Boughs
were becommen too great, for their
Stem, they became a Windfall vpon the
suddaine. Neuer any State was, in this
Point, so open to receiue Strangers, into
their Body, as were the Romans. Therefore it sorted with them accordingly; For
they grew to the greatest Monarchy. Their
manner was, to grant Naturalization,
( which they called Ius CiuiTatis ) and to
grant it in the highest Degree; That is, Not
onely Ius Commercij, Ius Connubij, Ius Hæreditatis; But also, Ius
Suffragij, and Ius Honorum. And this, not to Singular Persons
alone, but likewise to whole Families; yea
to Cities, and sometimes to Nations.
Adde to this, their Custome of Plantation
of Colonies; whereby the Roman Plant,
was remoued into the Soile, of other Nations. And putting both Constitutions
together, you will say, that it was not the
Romans that spred vpon the World; But it
was the World, that spred vpon the Romans: And that was the sure Way of
Greatnesse. I haue marueiled sometimes
at Spaine, how they claspe and containe
so large Dominions, with so few Naturall
Spaniards: But sure, the whole Compasse
of Spaine, is a very Great Body of a Tree;
Farre aboue Rome, and Sparta, at the first.
And besides, though they haue not had
that vsage, to Naturalize liberally; yet
they haue that, which is next to it; That
is, To employ, almost indifferently, all Nations, in their Militia of ordinary Soldiers:
yea, and sometimes in their Highest
Commands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant, they are sensible of this want of
Natiues; as by the Pragmaticall Sanction,
now published, appeareth.
|
| 7 |
It is certaine, that Sedentary, and Within-doore Arts, and delicate Manufactures
( that require rather the Finger, then the
Arme ) haue, in their Nature, a Contrariety, to a Military disposition. And generally, all Warlike People, are a little idle;
And loue Danger better then Trauaile:
Neither must they be too much broken
of it, if they shall be preserued in vigour.
Therefore, it was great Aduantage, in the
Ancient States of Sparta, Athens, Rome,
and others, that they had the vse of Slaues,
which commonly did rid those
Manufactures. But that is abolished, in greatest
part, by the Christian Law. That which
commeth nearest to it, is, to leaue those
Arts chiefly to Strangers, (which for that
purpose are the more easily to be receiued) and to containe, the principall Bulke
of the vulgar Natiues, within those three
kinds; Tillers of the Ground; Free Seruants;
& Handy-Crafts-Men, of Strong, & Manly
Arts, as Smiths, Masons, Carpenters, &c;
Not reckoning Professed Souldiers.
|
| 8 |
But aboue all, for Empire and Greatnesse, it importeth most; That a Nation
doe professe Armes, as their principall
Honour, Study, and Occupation. For
the Things, which we formerly haue
spoken of, are but Habilitations towards
Armes: And what is Habilitation without
Intention and Act? Romulus, after his
death (as they report, or faigne) sent a Present to the Romans; That, aboue all, they
should intend Armes; And then, they
should proue the greatest Empire of the
World. The Fabrick of the State of Sparta, was wholly (though not wisely)
framed, and composed, to that Scope and
End. The Persians, and Macedonians, had
it for a flash. The Galls, Germans, Goths,
Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for a
Time. The Turks haue it, at this day,
though in great Declination. Of Christian Europe, they that haue it, are, in effect,
onely the Spaniards. But it is so plaine,
That euery Man profiteth in that hee most
intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood
vpon. It is enough to point at it; That no
Nation, which doth not directly professe
Armes, may looke to haue Greatnesse fall
into their Mouths. And, on the other
side, it is a most Certaine Oracle of Time;
That those States, that continue long in
that Profession (as the Romans and Turks
principally haue done) do wonders. And
those, that haue professed Armes but for
an Age, haue notwithstanding, commonly, attained that Greatnesse in that Age,
which maintained them long after, when
their Profession and Exercise of Armes
hath growen to decay.
|
| 9 |
Incident to this Point is; For a State, to
haue those Lawes or Customes, which
may reach forth vnto them, iust Occasions ( as may be pretended ) of Warre. For
there is that Iustice imprinted, in the Nature of Men, that they enter not vpon
Wars ( whereof so many Calamities doe
ensue) but vpon some, at the least Specious, Grounds and Quarells. The Turke,
hath at hand, for Cause of Warre, the Propagation of his Law or Sect; A Quarell
that he may alwaies Command. The Romans, though they esteemed, the Extending the Limits of their Empire, to be
great Honour to their Generalls, when it
was done, yet they neuer rested vpon that
alone, to begin a Warre. First therefore,
let Nations, that pretend to Greatnesse,
haue this; That they be sensible of Wrongs,
either vpon Borderers, Merchants, or Politique Ministers; And that they sit not
too long vpon a Prouocation. Secondly, let them be prest, and ready, to giue
Aids and Succours, to their Confederates: As it euer was with the Romans:
In so much, as if the Confederate, had
Leagues Defensiue with diuers other
States, and vpon Inuasion offered, did
implore their Aides seuerally, yet the
Romans would euer bee the formost,
and leaue it to none Other to haue the
Honour. As for the Warres, which
were anciently made, on the behalfe, of
a kinde of Partie, or tacite Conformitie of Estate, I doe not see how they may
be well iustified: As when the Romans
made a Warre for the Libertie of Grecia: Or when the Lacedemonians, and
Athenians, made Warres, to set vp or
pull downe Democracies, and Oligarchies: Or when Warres were made by
Forrainers, vnder the pretence of Iustice, or Protection, to deliuer the Subiects of others, from Tyrannie, and Oppression; And the like. Let it suffice,
That no Estate expect to be Great, that
is not awake, vpon any iust Occasion of
Arming.
|
| 10 |
No Body can be healthfull without
Exercise, neither Naturall Body, nor Politique: And certainly, to a Kingdome or
Estate, a Iust and Honourable Warre, is
the true Exercise. A Ciuill Warre, indeed,
is like the Heat of a Feauer; But a Forraine
Warre, is like the Heat of Exercise, and
serueth to keepe the Body in Health: For
in a Slothfull Peace, both Courages will
effeminate, and Manners Corrupt . But
howsoeuer it be for Happinesse, without all Question, for Greatnesse, it maketh, to bee still, for the most Part, in
Armes: And the Strength of a Veteran Armie, (though it be a chargeable
Businesse) alwaies on Foot, is that,
which commonly giueth the Law; Or at
least the Reputation amongst all Neighbour States; As may well bee seene in
Spaine; which hath had, in one Part or
other, a Veteran Armie, almost continually, now by the Space of Six-score
yeeres.
|
| 11 |
To be Master of the Sea, is an Abridgement of a Monarchy. Cicero writing to
Atticus, of Pompey his Preparation against
Cæsar, saith; Consilium Pompeij planè Themistocleum est; Putat enim, qui Mari
potitur, eum Rerum potiri. And, without doubt,
Pompey had tired out Cæsar, if vpon vaine
Confidence, he had not left that Way. We
see the great Effects of Battailes by Sea.
The Battaile of Actium decided the Empire of the World. The Battaile of Lepanto arrested the Greatnesse of the Turke.
There be many Examples, where SeaFights haue beene Finall to the warre; But
this is, when Princes or States, haue set vp
their Rest, vpon the Battailes. But thus
much is certaine; That hee that Commands the Sea, is at great liberty, and may
take as much, and as little of the Warre, as
he will. Whereas those, that be strongest
by land, are many times neuerthelesse in
great Straights. Surely, at this Day, with
vs of Europe, the Vantage of Strength at
Sea ( which is one of the Principall
Dowries of this Kingdome of Great Brittaine ) is Great: Both because, Most of
the Kingdomes of Europe, are not meerely Inland, but girt with the Sea, most
part of their Compasse; And because,
the Wealth of both Indies, seemes in great
Part, but an Accessary, to the Command
of the Seas.
|
| 12 |
The Warres of Latter Ages, seeme to
be made in the Darke, in Respect of the
Glory and Honour, which reflected vpon Men, from the Warres in Ancient Time.
There be now, for Martiall Encouragement, some Degrees and Orders of Chiualry; which neuerthelesse, are conferred
promiscuously, vpon Soldiers, & no Soldiers; And some Remembrance perhaps
vpon the Scutchion; And some Hospitals
for Maimed Soldiers; And such like
Things. But in Ancient Times; The Trophies erected vpon the Place of the Victory; The Funerall Laudatiues and Monuments for those that died in the Wars; The
Crowns and Garlands Personal; The Stile
of Emperor, which the Great Kings of the
World after borrowed; The Triumphes
of the Generalls vpon their Returne; The
great Donatiues and Largesses vpon the
Disbanding of the Armies; were Things
able to enflame all Mens Courages. But
aboue all, That of the Triumph, amongst
the Romans, was not Pageants or Gauderie, but one of the Wisest and Noblest Institutions, that euer was. For it contained three Things; Honour to the Generall; Riches to the Treasury out of the
Spoiles; And Donatiues to the Army. But
that Honour, perhaps, were not fit for
Monarchies; Except it be in the Person of
the Monarch himselfe, or his Sonnes; As
it came to passe, the Times of the Roman Emperours, who did impropriate the
Actuall Triumphs to Themselues, and
their Sonnes, for such Wars, as they did
atchieue in Person: And left onely, for
Wars atchieued by Subiects, some Triumphall Garments, and Ensignes, to the
Generall.
|
| 13 |
To conclude; No Man can, by Care
taking (as the Scripture saith) adde a Cubite
to his Stature; in this little Modell of a
Mans Body: But in the Great Frame of
Kingdomes, & Common Wealths , it is in the
power of Princes, or Estates, to adde Amplitude and Greatnesse to their Kingdomes.
For by introducing such Ordinances,
Constitutions, and Customes, as we haue
now touched, they may sow Greatnesse, to
their Posteritie, and Succession. But these
Things are commonly not Obserued,
but left to take their Chance.
|
Of Regiment
of Health.
| 1 |
THere is a wisdome in this,
beyond the Rules of Physicke: A Mans owne Obseruation, what he findes
Good of, and what he
findes Hurt of, is the best Physicke to preserue Health. But it is a safer Conclusion
to say; This agreeth not well with me, therefore I will not continue it; Then this; I
finde no offence of this, therefore I may vse
it. For Strength of Nature in youth, passeth ouer many Excesses, which are owing a Man till his Age. Discerne of the
comming on of Yeares, and thinke not,
to doe the same Things still; For Age will
not be Defied. Beware of sudden Change
in any great point of Diet, and if necessity
inforce it, fit the rest to it. For it is a Secret, both in Nature, and State; That it is
safer to change Many Things, then one.
Examine thy Customes, of Diet, Sleepe,
Exercise, Apparell, and the like; And trie
in any Thing, thou shalt iudge hurtfull,
to discontinue it by little and little; But
so, as if thou doest finde any Inconuenience by the Change, thou come backe to
it againe: For it is hard to distinguish, that
which is generally held good, and wholesome, from that, which is good particularly, and fit for thine owne Body. To be
free minded, and cheerefully disposed, at
Houres of Meat, and of Sleep, and of Exercise, is one of the best Precepts of Long
lasting. As for the Passions and Studies
of the Minde; Auoid Enuie; Anxious
Feares; Anger fretting inwards; Subtill
and knottie Inquisitions; Ioyes, and Exhilarations in Excesse; Sadnesse not Communicated. Entertaine Hopes; Mirth rather then Ioy; Varietie of Delights, rather
then Surfet of them; Wonder, and Admiration, and therefore Nouelties;
Studies that fill the Minde with Splendide
and Illustrious Obiects, as Histories, Fables, and Contemplations of Nature. If
you flie Physicke in Health altogether, it
will be too strange for your Body, when
you shall need it. If you make it too familiar, it will worke no Extraordinary Effect, when Sicknesse commeth. I commend rather, some Diet, for certaine Seasons, then frequent Vse of Physicke, Except it be growen into a Custome. For
those Diets alter the Body more, and trouble it lesse. Despise no new Accident, in
your Body, but aske Opinion of it. In
Sicknesse, respect Health principally; And
in Health, Action. For those that put their
Bodies, to endure in Health, may in most
Sicknesses, which are not very sharpe, be
cured onely with Diet, and Tendering.
Celsus could neuer haue spoken it as a
Physician, had he not been a Wise Man
withall; when he giueth it, for one of the
great precepts of Health and Lasting;
That a Man doe vary, and enterchange
Contraries; But with an Inclination to
the more benigne Extreme: Vse Fasting, and full Eating, but rather full Eating; Watching and Sleep, but rather Sleep;
Sitting, and Exercise, but rather Exercise,
and the like. So shall Nature be cherished,
and yet taught Masteries. Physicians are
some of them so pleasing, and conformable to the Humor of the Patient, as they
presse not the true Cure of the Disease;
And some other are so Regular, in proceeding according to Art, for the Disease, as
they respect not sufficiently the Condition of the Patient. Take one of a Middle
Temper; Or if it may not be found in
one Man, combine two of either sort: And
forget not to call, aswell the best acquainted with your Body, as the best reputed
of for his Faculty.
|
Of Suspicion.
| 1 |
SVspicions amongst Thoughts,
are like Bats amongst Birds,
they euer fly by Twilight.
Certainly, they are to be repressed, or, at the least, well guarded: For
they cloud the Minde; they leese Frends;
and they checke with Businesse, whereby
Businesse cannot goe on, currantly, and
constantly. They dispose Kings to Tyranny, Husbands to Iealousie, Wise Men
to Irresolution and Melancholy. They
are Defects, not in the Heart, but in the
Braine; For they take Place in the Stoutest
Natures: As in the Example of Henry the
Seuenth of England: There was not a
more Suspicious Man, nor a more Stout.
And in such a Composition, they doe
small Hurt. For commonly they are not
admitted, but with Examination, whether
they be likely or no? But in fearefull Natures, they gaine Ground too fast. There
is Nothing makes a Man Suspect much,
more then to Know little: And therefore
Men should remedy Suspicion, by procuring to know more, and not to keep their
Suspicions in Smother. What would Men
haue? Doe they thinke, those they employ
and deale with, are Saints? Doe they not
thinke, they will haue their owne Ends,
and be truer to Themselues, then to them?
Therefore, there is no better Way to moderate Suspicions, then to account vpon
such Suspicions as true, and yet to bridle them, as false. For so farre, a Man
ought to make vse of Suspicions, as to prouide, as if that should be true, that he Suspects, yet it may doe him no Hurt. Suspicions, that the Minde, of it selfe, gathers,
are but Buzzes; But Suspicions, that are artificially nourished, and put into Mens
Heads, by the Tales, and Whisprings of
others, haue Stings. Certainly, the best
Meane, to cleare the Way, in this same
Wood of Suspicions, is franckly to
communicate them, with the Partie, that he
Suspects: For thereby, he shall be sure, to
know more of the Truth of them, then he
did before; And withall, shall make that
Party, more circumspect, not to giue further Cause of Suspicion. But this would
not be done to Men of base Natures: For
they, if they finde themselues once suspected, will neuer be true. The Italian saies:
Sospetto licentia fede: As if Suspicion did
giue a Pasport to Faith: But it ought rather to kindle it, to discharge it selfe.
|
Of Discourse.
| 1 |
SOme in their Discourse, desire rather Commendation
of Wit, in being able to hold
all Arguments, then of Iudgment, in discerning what is True: As if it
were a Praise, to know what might be
Said, and not what should be Thought.
Some haue certaine Common Places, and
Theames, wherein they are good, and
want Variety: Which kinde of Pouerty
is for the most part Tedious, and when it
is once perceiued Ridiculous. The Honourablest Part of Talke, is to giue the
Occasion; And againe to Moderate and
passe to somewhat else; For then a Man
leads the Daunce. It is good, in Discourse,
and Speech of Conuersation, to vary, and
entermingle Speech, of the present Occasion with Arguments; Tales with
Reasons; Asking of Questions, with telling
of Opinions; and Iest with Earnest: For
it is a dull Thing to Tire, and, as we say
now, to Iade, any Thing too farre. As
for Iest, there be certaine Things, which
ought to be priuiledged from it; Namely Religion, Matters of State, Great Persons, Any Mans present Businesse of Importance, And any Case that deserueth
Pitty. Yet there be some, that thinke their
Wits haue been asleepe; Except they dart
out somewhat, that is Piquant, and to the
Quicke: That is a Vaine, which would
be brideled;
Parce Puer stimulis, & fortiùs vtere
Loris.
And generally, Men ought to finde the
difference, between Saltnesse and Bitternesse. Certainly, he that hath a Satyricall
vaine, as he maketh others afraid of his
Wit, so he had need be afraid of others
Memory. He that questioneth much, shall
learne much, and content much; But especially, if he apply his Questions, to the
Skill of the Persons, whom he asketh:
For he shall giue them occasion, to please
themselues in Speaking, and himselfe shall
continually gather Knowledge. But let
his Questions, not be troublesome; For
that is fit for a Poser. And let him be sure,
to leaue other Men their Turnes to speak.
Nay, if there be any, that would raigne,
and take vp all the time, let him finde
meanes to take them off, and to bring Others on; As Musicians vse to doe, with
those, that dance too long Galliards. If
you dissemble sometimes your knowledge, of that you are thought to know;
you shall be thought another time, to
know that, you know not. Speach of a
Mans Selfe ought to be seldome, and well
chosen. I knew One, was wont to say,
in Scorne; He must needs be a Wise Man, he
speakes so much of Himselfe: And there is
but one Case, wherein a Man may Commend Himselfe, with good Grace; And
that is in commending Vertue in Another; Especially, if it be such a Vertue,
whereunto Himselfe pretendeth. Speech
of Touch towards Others, should be
sparingly vsed: For Discourse ought to be as a
Field, without comming home to any
Man. I knew two Noble-men, of the West
Part of England; Whereof the one was giuen to Scoffe, but kept euer Royal Cheere
in his House: The other, would aske of
those, that had beene at the Others Table;
Tell truely, was there neuer a Flout or drie
Blow giuen; To which the Guest would
answer; Such and such a Thing passed: The
Lord would say; I thought he would marre
a good Dinner. Discretion of Speech, is more
then Eloquence; And to speak agreeably to
him, with whom we deale, is more then to
speake in good Words, or in good Order.
A good continued Speech, without a good
Speech of Interlocution, shews Slownesse:
And a Good Reply, or Second Speech,
without a good Setled Speech, sheweth
Shallownesse and Weaknesse. As we see in
Beasts, that those that are Weakest in the
Course, are yet Nimblest in the Turne: As
it is betwixt the Grey-hound, & the Hare.
To vse too many Circumstances, ere one
come to the Matter, is Wearisome; To vse
none at all, is Blunt.
|
Of Plantations.
| 1 |
PLantations are amongst Ancient, Primitiue, and Heroicall
Workes. When the World
was young, it begate more
Children; But now it is old, it begets
fewer: For I may iustly account new Plantations, to be the Children
of former Kingdomes. I like a Plantation in a Pure Soile;
that is, where People are not Displanted,
to the end, to Plant in Others. For else, it
is rather an Extirpation, then a Plantation.
Planting of Countries, is like Planting of
Woods; For you must make account, to
leese almost Twenty yeeres Profit, and expect your Recompence, in the end. For
the Principall Thing, that hath beene the
Destruction of most Plantations, hath
beene the Base, and Hastie drawing of
Profit, in the first Yeeres. It is true,
Speedie Profit is not to be neglected, as farre
as may stand, with the Good of the Plantation, but no further. It is a Shamefull and
Vnblessed Thing, to take the Scumme of
People, and Wicked Condemned Men, to
be the People with whom you Plant:
And not only so, but it spoileth the Plantation; For they will euer liue like Rogues,
and not fall to worke, but be Lazie, and
doe Mischiefe, and spend Victuals, and be
quickly weary, and then Certifie ouer to
their Country, to the Discredit of the Plantation. The People wherewith you Plant,
ought to be Gardners, Plough-men, Labourers, Smiths, Carpenters, Ioyners, Fisher-men, Fowlers, with some few Apothecaries, Surgeons, Cookes, and Bakers.
In a Country of Plantation, first looke about, what kinde of Victuall, the Countrie yeelds of it selfe, to Hand: As Chestnuts, Wall-nuts, Pine-Apples, Oliues,
Dates, Plummes, Cherries, Wilde-Hony, and the like: and make vse of them.
Then consider, what Victuall or Esculent
Things there are, which grow speedily,
and within the yeere; As Parsnips, Carrets,
Turnips, Onions, Radish, Artichokes of
Hierusalem, Maiz, and the like. For Wheat,
Barly, and Oats, they aske too much Labour: But with Pease, and Beanes, you
may begin; Both because they aske lesse
Labour, and because they serue for Meat,
as well as for Bread. And of Rice likewise
commeth a great Encrease, and it is a
kinde of Meat. Aboue all, there ought to
be brought Store of Bisket, Oat-meale,
Flower, Meale, and the like, in the beginning, till Bread may be had. For Beasts, or
Birds, take chiefly such, as are least Subiect to Diseases, and Multiply fastest: As
Swine, Goats, Cockes, Hennes, Turkies,
Geese, House-doues, and the like. The
Victuall in Plantations, ought to be expended, almost as in a Besieged Towne;
That is, with certaine Allowance. And
let the Maine Part of the Ground employed to Gardens or Corne, bee to a
Common Stocke; And to be Laid in, and
Stored vp, and then Deliuered out in Proportion; Besides some Spots of Ground,
that any Particular Person, will Manure,
for his owne Priuate. Consider likewise,
what Commodities the Soile, where the
Plantation is, doth naturally yeeld, that
they may some way helpe to defray the
Charge of the Plantation: So it be not, as
was said, to the vntimely Preiudice, of the
maine Businesse; As it hath fared with
Tobacco in Virginia. Wood commonly
aboundeth but too much; And therefore,
Timber is fit to be one. If there be Iron
Vre, and Streames whereupon to set the
Milles; Iron is a braue Commoditie,
where Wood aboundeth. Making of Bay
Salt, if the Climate be proper for it, would
be put in Experience. Growing Silke likewise, if any be, is a likely Commoditie.
Pitch and Tarre, where store of Firres and
Pines are, will not faile. So Drugs, and,
Sweet Woods, where they are, cannot but
yeeld great Profit. Soape Ashes likewise,
and other Things, that may be thought
of. But moile not too much vnder
Ground: For the Hope of Mines is very
Vncertaine, and vseth to make the
Planters Lazie, in other Things. For Gouernment, let it be in the Hands of one, assisted
with some Counsell: And let them haue
Commission, to exercise Martiall Lawes,
with some limitation. And aboue all, let
Men make that Profit of being in the
Wildernesse, as they haue God alwaies, and
his Seruice, before their Eyes. Let not the
Gouernment of the Plantation, depend
vpon too many Counsellours, and Vndertakers, in the Countrie that Planteth, but
vpon a temperate Number: And let those
be, rather Noblemen, and Gentlemen,
then Merchants: For they looke euer to
the present Gaine. Let there be Freedomes
from Custome, till the Plantation be of
Strength: And not only Freedome from
Custome, but Freedome to carrie their
Commodities, where they may make
their Best of them, except there be some
speciall Cause of Caution. Cramme not
in People, by sending too fast, Company,
after Company; But rather hearken how
they waste, and send Supplies proportionably; But so, as the Number may liue
well, in the Plantation, and not by Surcharge be in Penury. It hath beene a great
Endangering, to the Health of some Plantations, that they haue built along the Sea,
and Riuers, in Marish and vnwholesome
Grounds. Therefore, though you begin
there, to auoid Carriage, and other like
Discommodities, yet build still, rather vpwards, from the Streames, then along. It
concerneth likewise, the Health of the
Plantation, that they haue good Store of
Salt with them, that they may vse it, in
their Victualls, when it shall be necessary.
If you Plant, where Sauages are, doe not
onely entertaine them with Trifles, and
Gingles; But vse them iustly, and gratiously, with sufficient Guard neuerthelesse:
And doe not winne their fauour, by helping them to inuade their Enemies, but
for their Defence it is not amisse. And
send oft of them, ouer to the Country, that
Plants, that they may see a better Condition then their owne, and commend it
when they returne. When the Plantation
grows to Strength, then it is time, to Plant
with Women, as well as with Men; That
the Plantation may spread into Generations, and not be euer peeced from without. It is the sinfullest Thing in the world,
to forsake or destitute a Plantation, once
in Forwardnesse: For besides the Dishonour, it is the Guiltinesse of Bloud, of many Commiserable Persons.
|
Of Riches.
| 1 |
I Cannot call Riches
better, then the Baggage of Vertue. The
Roman Word is better,
Impedimenta. For as
the Baggage is to an
Army, so is Riches to Vertue. It cannot
be spared, nor left behinde, but it hindreth
the March; Yea, and the care of it, sometimes, loseth or disturbeth the Victory.
Of great Riches, there is no Reall Vse, except it be in the Distribution; The rest is
but Conceit. So saith Salomon; Where
much is, there are Many to consume it; And
what hath the Owner, but the Sight of it, with
his Eyes? The Personall Fruition in any
Man, cannot reach to feele Great Riches:
There is a Custody of them; Or a Power
of Dole and Donatiue of them; Or a
Fame of them; But no Solid Vse to the
Owner. Doe you not see, what fained Prices, are set vpon little Stones, and Rarities?
And what Works of Ostentation, are vndertaken, because there might seeme to
be, some Vse of great Riches? But then
you will say, they may be of vse, to buy
Men out of Dangers or Troubles. As Salomon saith; Riches are as a strong Hold, in
the Imagination of the Rich Man. But this
is excellently expressed, that it is in Imagination, and not alwaies in Fact. For certainly Great Riches, haue sold more Men,
then they haue bought out. Seeke not
Proud Riches, but such as thou maist get
iustly, Vse soberly, Distribute cheerefully, and Leaue contentedly. Yet haue no
Abstract nor Friarly Contempt of them.
But distinguish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius Posthumus; In studio rei amplificanda, apparebat, non Auariticæ Prædam, sed Instrumentum Bonitati, quæri. Hearken also
to Salomon, and beware of Hasty Gathering of Riches: Qui festinat ad Diuitias,
non erit insons. The Poets faigne that
when Plutus, (which is Riches,) is sent
from Iupiter, he limps, and goes slowly;
But when he is sent from Pluto, he runnes,
and is Swift of Foot: Meaning, that Riches gotten by Good Meanes, and Iust
Labour, pace slowly; But when they
come by the death of Others, (As by the
Course of Inheritance, Testaments, and
the like,) they come tumbling vpon a
Man. But it mought be applied likewise
to Pluto, taking him for the Deuill. For
when Riches come from the Deuill, (as
by Fraud, and Oppression, and vniust
Meanes, ) they come vpon Speed. The
Waies to enrich are many, and most of
them Foule. Parsimony is one of the
best, and yet is not Innocent: For it
with-holdeth Men, from Workes of Liberality, and Charity. The Improuement
of the Ground, is the most Naturall Obtaining of Riches; For it is our Great
Mothers Blessing, the Earths; But it is
slow. And yet, where Men of great
wealth, doe stoope to husbandry, it multiplieth Riches exceedingly. I knew a
Nobleman in England, that had the greatest Audits, of any Man in my Time:
A Great Grasier, A Great Sheepe-Master,
A Great Timber Man, A Great Colliar,
A Great Corne-Master, A Great LeadMan, and so of Iron, and a Number of
the like Points of Husbandry. So as the
Earth seemed a Sea to him, in respect of
the Perpetuall Importation. It was truly obserued by One, that Himselfe came
very hardly to a Little Riches, and very easily to Great Riches. For when a
Mans Stocke is come to that, that he
can expect the Prime of Markets, and ouercome those Bargaines, which for their
greatnesse are few Mens Money, and be
Partner in the Industries of Younger
Men, he cannot but encrease mainely.
The Gaines of Ordinary Trades and Vocations, are honest; And furthered by
two Things, chiefly: By Diligence; And
By a good Name, for good and faire
dealing. But the Gaines of Bargaines,
are of a more doubtfull Nature; When
Men shall waite vpon Others Necessity,
broake by Seruants and Instruments to
draw them on, Put off Others cunningly that would be better Chapmen, and
the like Practises, which are Crafty and
Naught. As for the Chopping of Bargaines, when a Man Buies, not to Hold,
but to Sell ouer againe, that commonly Grindeth double, both vpon the Seller, and vpon the Buyer. Sharings, doe
greatly Enrich, if the Hands be well chosen, that are trusted. Vsury is the certainest Meanes of Gaine, though one of
the worst; As that, whereby a Man
doth eate his Bread; In sudore vultûs
alieni: And besides, doth Plough vpon
Sundaies. But yet Certaine though it
be, it hath Flawes; For that the Scriueners and Broakers, doe valew vnsound
Men, to serue their owne Turne. The
Fortune, in being the First in an Inuention, or in a Priuiledge, doth cause sometimes a wonderfull Ouergrowth in Riches; As it was with the first Sugar Man,
in the Canaries: Therefore, if a Man can
play the true Logician, to haue as well
Iudgement, as Inuention, he may do great
Matters; especially if the Times be fit. He
that resteth vpon Gaines Certaine, shall
hardly grow to great Riches: And he that
puts all vpon Aduentures, doth often times
breake, and come to Pouerty: It is good
therefore, to guard Aduentures with Certainties, that may vphold losses. Monopolies, and Coemption of Wares for Resale,
where they are not restrained, are great
Meanes to enrich; especially, if the Partie
haue intelligence, what Things are like to
come into Request, and so store Himselfe
before hand. Riches gotten by Seruice,
though it be of the best Rise, yet when
they are gotten by Flattery, Feeding Humours, and other Seruile Conditions, they
may be placed amongst the Worst. As for
Fishing for Testaments and Executorships
( as Tacitus saith of Seneca; Testam\-eta et Orbos, t\-aquàm Indagine capi;) It is yet worse;
By how much Men submit themselues, to
Meaner Persons, then in Seruice. Beleeue
not much them, that seeme to despise Riches: For they despise them, that despaire
of them; And none Worse, when they
come to them. Be not Penny-wise; Riches haue Wings, and sometimes they Fly
away of themselues, sometimes they must
be set Flying to bring in more. Men leaue
their Riches, either to their Kindred; Or
to the Publique: And moderate Portions
prosper best in both. A great State left to
an Heire, is as a Lure to all the Birds of
Prey, round about, to seize on him, if he
be not the better stablished in Yeares and
Iudgement. Likewise Glorious Gifts and
Foundations, are like Sacrifices without
Salt; And but the Painted Sepulchres of
Almes, which soone will putrifie, and corrupt inwardly. Therefore, Measure not
thine Aduancements by Quantity, but
Frame them by Measure; And Deferre
not Charities till Death: For certainly, if
a Man weigh it rightly, he that doth so, is
rather Liberall of an Other Mans, then of
his Owne.
|
Of Prophecies.
| 1 |
I Meane not to speake of
Diuine Prophecies; Nor
of Heathen Oracles;
Nor of Naturall Predictions; But only of Prophecies, that haue beene
of certaine Memory, and from Hidden
Causes. Saith the Pythonissa to Saul; To
Morrow thou and thy sonne shall be with me.
Homer hath these Verses.
At Domus AEneæ cunctis dominabitur Oris,
Et Nati Natorum, & qui nascentur ab illis:
A Prophecie, as it seemes, of the Roman
Empire. Seneca the Tragedian hath these
Verses.
--- Venient Annis
Secula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula Rerum laxet, & ingens
Pateat Tellus, Typhisque nouos
Detegat Orbes; nec sit Terris
Vltima Thule:
A Prophecie of the Discouery of America.
The Daughter of Polycrates dreamed, that
Iupiter bathed her Father, and Apollo annointed him: And it came to passe, that
he was crucified in an Open Place, where
the Sunne made his Bodie runne with
Sweat, and the Raine washed it. Philip of
Macedon dreamed, He sealed vp his Wiues
Belly: Whereby he did expound it, that his
Wife should be barren: But Aristander the
Soothsayer, told him, his Wife was with
Childe, because Men doe not vse to Seale
Vessells that are emptie. A Phantasme,
that appeared to M. Brutus in his Tent,
said to him; Philippis iterùm me videbis.
Tiberius said to Galba. Tu quoque Galba degustabis Imperium. In Vespasians Time,
there went a Prophecie in the East; That
those that should come forth of Iudea,
should reigne ouer the World: which
though it may be was meant of our Sauiour, yet Tacitus expounds it of Vespasian.
Domitian dreamed, the Night before he
was slaine, that a Golden Head was growing out of the Nape of his Necke: And
indeed, the Succession that followed him,
for many yeares, made Golden Times.
Henry the Sixt of England, said of Henry
the Seuenth, when he was a Lad, and gaue
him Water; This is the Lad, that shall enioy
the Crowne, for which we striue. When I
was in France, I heard from one D+r+. Pena,
that the Q. Mother, who was giuen to
Curious Arts, caused the King her Husbands Natiuitie, to be Calculated, vnder
a false Name; And the Astrologer gaue a
Iudgement, that he should be killed in a
Duell; At which the Queene laughed,
thinking her Husband, to be aboue Challenges and Duels: but he was slaine, vpon
a Course at Tilt, the Splinters of the Staffe
of Mongomery, going in at his Beuer. The
triuiall Prophecie, which I heard, when I
was a Childe, and Queene Elizabeth was
in the Flower of her Yeares, was;
When Hempe is sponne;
England's done.
Whereby, it was generally conceiued, that
after the Princes had Reigned, which
had the Principiall Letters, of that Word
Hempe, (which were Henry, Edward, Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth) England should
come to vtter Confusion: Which, thankes
be to God, is verified only, in the Change
of the Name: For that the Kings Stile, is
now no more of England, but of Britaine.
There was also another Prophecie, before
the yeare of 88. which I doe not well vnderstand.
There shall be seene vpon a day,
Betweene the Baugh, and the May,
The Blacke Fleet of Norway.
When that that is come and gone,
England build Houses of Lime and Stone
For after Warres shall you haue None.
It was generally conceiued, to be meant
of the Spanish Fleet, that came in 88. For
that the King of Spaines Surname, as they
say, is Norway. The Prediction of Regiomontanus;
Octogessimus octauus mirabilis Annus;
Was thought likewise accomplished, in
the Sending of that great Fleet, being the
greatest in Strength, though not in Number, of all that euer swamme vpon the Sea.
As for Cleons Dreame, I thinke it was a
Iest. It was, that he was deuoured of a
long Dragon; And it was expounded of
a Maker of Sausages, that troubled him
exceedingly. There are Numbers of the
like kinde; Especially if you include
Dreames, and Predictions of Astrologie.
But I haue set downe these few onely of
certaine Credit, for Example. My Iudgement is, that they ought all to be Despised; And ought to serue, but for Winter
Talke, by the Fire side. Though when
I say Despised, I meane it as for Beleefe:
For otherwise, the Spreading or Publishing of them, is in no sort to be Despised. For they haue done much Mischiefe:
And I see many seuere Lawes made to
suppresse them. That, that hath giuen
them Grace, and some Credit, consisteth
in three Things. First, that Men marke,
when they hit, and neuer marke, when
they misse: As they doe, generally, also
of Dreames. The second is, that Probable
Coniectures, or obscure Traditions, many times, turne themselues into Prophecies: While the Nature of Man, which coueteth Diuination, thinkes it no Perill to
foretell that, which indeed they doe but
collect. As that of Seneca's Verse. For so
much was then subiect to Demonstration, that the Globe of the Earth, had great
Parts beyond the Atlanticke; which
mought be Probably conceiued, not to
be all Sea: And adding thereto, the Tradition in Plato's Timeus, and his Atlanticus, it mought encourage One, to turne it
to a Prediction. The third, and Last (which
is the Great one) is, that almost all of them,
being infinite in Number, haue beene Impostures, and by idle and craftie Braines,
meerely contriued and faigned, after the
Euent Past.
|
Of Ambition.
| 1 |
AMbition is like Choler; Which
is an Humour, that maketh
Men Actiue, Earnest, Full
of Alacritie, and Stirring, if
it be not stopped. But if it
be stopped, and cannot haue his Way, it
becommeth Adust, and thereby Maligne
and Venomous. So Ambitious Men, if
they finde the way Open for their Rising,
and still get forward, they are rather Busie then Dangerous; But if they be check't
in their desires, they become secretly discontent, and looke vpon Men and matters, with an Euill Eye; And are best pleased, when Things goe backward; Which
is the worst Propertie, in a Seruant of a
Prince or State. Therefore it is good for
Princes,if they vse Ambitious Men, to handle it so, as they be still Progressiue, and
not Retrograde: Which because it cannot
be without Inconuenience, it is good not
to vse such Natures at all. For if they rise
not with their Seruice, they will take Order to make their Seruice fall with them.
But since we haue said, it were good not
to vse Men of Ambitious Natures, except it
be vpon necessitie, it is fit we speake, in
what Cases, they are of necessitie. Good
Commanders in the Warres, must be taken, be they neuer so Ambitious: For the
Vse of their Seruice dispenseth with the
rest; And to take a Soldier without Ambition, is to pull off his Spurres. There is also great vse of Ambitious Men, in being
Skreenes to Princes, in Matters of Danger and Enuie: For no Man will take that
Part, except he be like a Seel'd Doue, that
mounts and mounts, because he cannot
see about him. There is Vse also of Ambitious Men, in Pulling downe the Greatnesse, of any Subiect that ouer-tops: As
Tiberius vsed Macro in the Pulling down
of Seianus. Since therefore they must be
vsed, in such Cases, there resteth to speake,
how they are to be brideled, that they may
be lesse dangerous. There is lesse danger
of them, if they be of Meane Birth, then
if they be Noble: And if they be rather
Harsh of Nature, then Gracious and Popular: And if they be rather New Raised,
then growne Cunning, and Fortified in
their Greatnesse. It is counted by some, a
weaknesse in Princes, to haue Fauorites.
But it is, of all others, the best Remedy against Ambitious Great-Ones. For when
the Way of Pleasuring and Displeasuring,
lieth by the Fauourite, it is Impossible,
Any Other should be Ouer-great. Another meanes to curbe them, is to Ballance
them by others, as Proud as they. But
then, there must be some Middle Counsellours, to keep Things steady: For without that Ballast, the Ship will roule too
much. At the least, a Prince may animate
and inure some Meaner Persons, to be, as
it were, Scourges to Ambitious Men. As
for the hauing of them Obnoxious to
Ruine, if they be of fearefull Natures, it
may doe well: But if they bee Stout,
and Daring, it may precipitate their Designes, and proue dangerous. As for the
pulling of them downe, if the Affaires require it, and that it may not be done with
safety suddainly, the onely Way is, the Enrchange continually of Fauours, and
Disgraces; whereby they may not know,
what to expect; And be, as it were, in a
Wood. Of Ambitions, it is lesse harmefull,
the Ambition to preuaile in great Things,
then that other, to appeare in euery thing;
For that breeds Confusion, and marres
Businesse. But yet, it is lesse danger, to haue
an Ambitious Man, stirring in Businesse,
then Great in Dependances. He that seeketh to be Eminent amongst Able Men,
hath a great Taske; but that is euer good
for the Publique. But he that plots, to be
the onely Figure amongst Ciphars, is the
decay of an whole Age. Honour hath
three Things in it: The Vantage Ground
to doe good: The Approach to Kings,
and principall Persons: And the Raising
of a Mans owne Fortunes. He that hath
the best of these Intentions, when he
aspireth, is an Honest Man: And that Prince,
that can discerne of these Intentions, in
Another that aspireth, is a wise Prince.
Generally, let Princes and States, choose
such Ministers, as are more sensible of Duty, then of Rising; And such as loue Businesse rather vpon Conscience, then vpon Brauery: And let them Discerne a Busie Nature, from a Willing Minde.
|
Of Masques and
Triumphs.
| 1 |
THese Things are but Toyes,
to come amongst such Serious Obseruations. But
yet, since Princes will haue
such Things, it is better,
they should be Graced with Elegancy,
then Daubed with Cost. Dancing to Song,
is a Thing of great State, and Pleasure. I
vnderstand it, that the Song be in Quire,
placed aloft, and accompanied with some
broken Musicke: And the Ditty fitted to
the Deuice. Acting in Song, especially in
Dialogues, hath an extreme Good Grace:
I say Acting, not Dancing, (For that is a
Meane and Vulgar Thing;) And the Voices of the Dialogue, would be Strong and
Manly, (A Base, and a Tenour; No
Trebble;) And the Ditty High and Tragicall;
Not nice or Dainty. Seuerall Quires, placed one ouer against another, and taking
the Voice by Catches, Antheme wise, giue
great Pleasure. Turning Dances into Figure, is a childish Curiosity. And generally,
let it be noted, that those Things, which I
here set downe, are such, as doe naturally
take the Sense, and not respect Petty Wonderments. It is true, the Alterations of
Scenes, so it be quietly, and without Noise,
are Things of great Beauty, and Pleasure:
For they feed and relieue the Eye, before
it be full of the same Obiect. Let the
Scenes abound with Light, specially Coloured and Varied: And let the Masquers,
or any other, that are to come down from
the Scene, haue some Motions, vpon the
Scene it selfe, before their Comming
down: For it drawes the Eye strangely, &
makes it with great pleasure, to desire to
see that, it cannot perfectly discerne. Let the
Songs be Loud, and Cheerefull, and not
Chirpings, or Pulings. Let the Musicke likewise, be Sharpe, and Loud, and Well Placed.
The Colours, that shew best by Candlelight, are; White, Carnation, and a Kinde
of Sea-Water-Greene; And Oes, or Spangs,
as they are of no great Cost, so they are
of most Glory. As for Rich Embroidery,
it is lost, and not Discerned. Let the Sutes
of the Masquers, be Gracefull, and such as
become the Person, when the Vizars are
off: Not after Examples of Knowne Attires; Turks, Soldiers, Mariners, and the
like. Let Antimasques not be long; They
haue been commonly of Fooles, Satyres,
Baboones, Wilde-Men, Antiques, Beasts,
Sprites, Witches, Ethiopes, Pigmies, Turquets, Nimphs, Rusticks, Cupids, Statua's
Mouing, and the like. As for Angels, it is
not Comicall enough, to put them in
Anti-Masques; And any Thing that is hideous, as Deuils, Giants, is on the other
side as vnfit. But chiefly, let the Musicke
of them, be Recreatiue, and with some
strange Changes. Some Sweet Odours,
suddenly comming forth, without any
drops falling, are, in such a Company, as
there is Steame and Heate, Things of great
Pleasure; and Refreshment. Double Masques,
one of Men, another of Ladies, addeth
State, and Variety. But All is Nothing, except the Roome be kept Cleare, and Neat.
|
| 2 |
For Iusts, and Tourneys, and Barriers;
The Glories of them, are chiefly in the
Chariots, wherein the Challengers make
their Entry; Especially if they be drawne
with Strange Beasts; As Lions, Beares,
Cammels, and the like: Or in the Deuices
of their Entrance; Or in the Brauery of
their Liueries; Or in the Goodly Furniture
of their Horses, and Armour. But enough
of these Toyes.
|
Of Nature in
Men.
| 1 |
NAture is Often Hidden; Sometimes Ouercome; Seldome
Extinguished. Force maketh
Nature more violent in the
Returne: Doctrine and Discourse maketh Nature lesse Importune: But Custome onely doth alter and subdue Nature. Hee that seeketh Victory ouer his
Nature, let him not set Himselfe too great,
nor too small Tasks: For the first, will
make him deiected by often Faylings;
And the Second will make him a small
Proceeder, though by often Preuailings.
And at the first, let him practise with
Helps, as Swimmers doe with Bladders, or
Rushes: But after a Time, let him practise
with disaduantages, as Dancers doe with
thick Shooes. For it breeds great Perfection, if the Practise be harder then the vse.
Where Nature is Mighty, and therefore
the Victory hard, the Degrees had need
be; first to Stay and Arrest Nature in
Time; Like to Him, that would say ouer
the Foure and Twenty Letters, when he
was Angry: Then to Goe lesse in Quantity; As if one should, in forbearing Wine,
come from Drinking Healths, to a
Draught at a Meale: And lastly, to Discontinue altogether. But if a Man haue
the Fortitude, and Resolution, to enfranchise Himselfe at once, that is the best;
Optimus ille Animi Vindex, led\-etia pectus
Vincula qui rupit, dedoluitque semel,
Neither is the Ancient Rule amisse, to
bend Nature as a Wand, to a Contrary
Extreme, whereby to set it right: Vnderstanding it, where the Contrary Extreme
is no Vice. Let not a man force a Habit
vpon himselfe, with a Perpetuall Continuance, but with some Intermission. For
both the Pause, reinforceth the new Onset; And if a Man, that is not perfect, be
euer in Practise, he shall as well practise
his Errours, as his Abilities; And induce
one Habite of both: And there is no
Meanes to helpe this, but by Seasonable
Intermissions. But let not a Man trust
his Victorie ouer his Nature too farre;
For Nature will lay buried a great Time,
and yet reuiue, vpon the Occasion or
Temptation. Like as it was with AEsopes
Damosell, turned from a Catt to a Woman;
who sate very demurely, at the Boards
End, till a Mouse ranne before her. Therefore let a Man, either auoid the Occasion
altogether; Or put Himselfe often to it,
that hee may be little moued with it. A
Mans Nature is best perceiued in Priuatenesse, for there is no Affectation; In Passion, for that putteth a Man out of his Precepts; And in a new Case or Experiment,
for there Custome leaueth him. They are
happie Men, whose Natures sort with
their Vocations; Otherwise they may
say, Multùm Incola fuit Anima mea: when
they conuerse in those Things, they doe
not Affect. In Studies, whatsoeuer a Man
commandeth vpon himselfe, let him set
Houres for it: But whatsoeuer is agreeable to his Nature, let him take no Care,
for any set Times: For his Thoughts, will
flie to it of Themselues; So as the Spaces
of other Businesse, or Studies, will suffice.
A Mans Nature runnes either to Herbes,
or Weeds; Therefore let him seasonably
Water the One, and Destroy the Other.
|
Of Custome and
Education.
| 1 |
MEns Thoughts are much according to their Inclination:
Their Discourse and Speeche according to their Learning, and Infused Opinions; But their
Deeds are after as they haue beene Accustomed. And therefore, as Macciauel well
noteth (though in an euill fauoured Instance) There is no Trusting to the Force
of Nature, nor to the Brauery
of Words;
Except it be Corroborate by Custome. His
Instance is, that for the Atchieuing of a
desperate Conspiracie, a Man should not
rest vpon the Fiercenesse of any mans Nature, or his Resolute Vndertakings; But
take such an one, as hath had his Hands
formerly in Bloud. But Macciauel knew
not of a Friar Clement, nor a Rauillac,
nor a Iaureguy, nor a Baltazar Gerard: yet
his Rule holdeth still, that Nature, nor the
Engagement of Words, are not so forcible, as Custome. Onely Superstition is
now so well aduanced, that Men of the
first Bloud, are as Firme, as Butchers by
Occupation: And votary Resolution is
made Equipollent to Custome, euen in
matter of Bloud. In other Things, the
Predominancy of Custome is euery where
Visible; In so much, as a Man would
wonder, to heare Men Professe, Protest,
Engage, Giue Great Words, and then Doe
iust as they haue Done before: As if they
were Dead Images, and Engines moued
onely by the wheeles of Custome. We see
also the Raigne or Tyrannie of Custome,
what it is. The Indians (I meane the Sect
of their Wise Men) lay Themselues quietly vpon a Stacke of Wood, and so Sacrifice themselues by Fire. Nay the Wiues
striue to be burned with the Corpses of
their Husbands. The Lads of Sparta, of
Ancient Time, were wont to be Scourged vpon the Altar of Diana,
without so much as Queching. I remember in
the beginning of Queene Elizabeths time
of England, an Irish Rebell Condemned,
put vp a Petition to the Deputie, that he
might be hanged in a With, and not in an
Halter, because it had beene so vsed, with
former Rebels. There be Monkes in Russia,
for Penance, that will sit a whole Night,
in a Vessell of Water, till they be Ingaged
with hard Ice. Many Examples may be
put, of the Force of Custome, both vpon
Minde, and Body. Therefore, since Custome is the Principall Magistrate of
Mans life; Let Men by all Meanes endeuour, to obtaine good Customes. Certainly, Custome is most perfect, when it beginneth in Young Yeares: This we call Education; which is, in effect, but an Early
Custome. So we see, in Languages the
Tongue is more Pliant to all Expressions and Sounds, the Ioints are more Supple to all Feats of Actiuitie, and Motions,
in Youth then afterwards. For it is true,
that late Learners, cannot so well take the
Plie; Except it be in some Mindes, that
haue not suffered themselues to fixe, but
haue kept themselues open and prepared,
to receiue continuall Amendment, which
is exceeding Rare. But if the Force of Custome Simple and Separate, be Great; the
Force of Custome Copulate, and Conioyned, & Collegiate, is far Greater. For there
Example teacheth; Company comforteth;
Emulation quickeneth; Glory raiseth: So
as in such Places the Force of Custome is
in his Exaltation. Certainly, the great Multiplication of Vertues vpon Humane Nature, resteth vpon Societies well Ordained, and Disciplined. For Commonwealths, and Good Gouernments, doe
nourish Vertue Growne, but doe not
much mend the seeds. But the Misery is,
that the most Effectuall Meanes, are now
applied, to the Ends, least to be desired.
|
Of Fortune.
| 1 |
IT cannot be denied, but
Outward Accidents, c\-oduce much to Fortune:
Fauour, Opportunitie,
Death of Others, Occasion fitting Vertue. But
chiefly, the Mould of a Mans Fortune, is
in his owne hands. Faber quisque Fortunæ;
suæ; saith the Poet. And the most Frequent of Externall Causes is, that the Folly of one Man, is the Fortune of Another.
For no Man prospers so suddenly, as by
Others Errours. Serpens nisi Serpentem
comederit non fit Draco. Ouert, and Apparent vertues bring forth Praise; But there
be Secret and Hidden Vertues, that bring
Forth Fortune. Certaine Deliueries of a
Mans Selfe, which haue no Name. The
Spanish Name, Desemboltura, partly
expresseth them: When there be not Stonds,
nor Restiuenesse in a Mans Nature; But
that the wheeles of his Minde keepe way,
with the wheeles of his Fortune. For so
Liuie (after he had described Cato Maior,
in these words; In illo viro, tantum Robur
Corporis & Animi fuit, vt quocunque loco natus esset, Fortunam sibi facturus videretur;)
falleth vpon that, that he had, Versatile
Ingenium. Therfore, if a Man looke Sharply, and Attentiuely, he shall see Fortune:
For though shee be Blinde, yet shee is not
Inuisible. The Way of Fortune, is like the
Milken Way in the Skie; Which is a Meeting or Knot, of a Number of Small Stars;
Not Seene asunder, but Giuing Light together. So are there, a Number of Little,
and scarce discerned Vertues, or rather Faculties and Customes, that make Men
Fortunate. The Italians note some of
them, such as a Man would little thinke.
When they speake of one, that cannot doe
amisse, they will throw in, into his other
Conditions, that he hath, Poco di Matto.
And certainly, there be not two more
Fortunate Properties; Then to haue a Little of the Foole; And not Too Much of the
Honest. Therefore, Extreme Louers of
their Countrey, or Masters, were neuer
Fortunate, neither can they be. For when
a Man placeth his Thoughts without
Himselfe, he goeth not his owne Way. An
hastie Fortune maketh an Enterpriser, and
Remouer, (The French hath it better;
Entreprenant, or Remuant) But the Exercised Fortune maketh the Able Man. Fortune is to be Honoured, and Respected,
and it bee but for her Daughters, Confidence, and Reputation. For those two Felicitie breedeth: The first within a Mans
Selfe; the Latter, in Others towards Him.
All Wise Men, to decline the Enuie of their
owne vertues, vse to ascribe them to
Prouidence and Fortune; For so they may
the better assume them: And besides, it
is Greatnesse in a Man, to be the Care, of
the Higher Powers. So Cæsar said to the
Pilot in the Tempest, Cæsarem portas, &
Fortunam eius. So Sylla chose the Name of
Felix, and not of Magnus. And it hath
beene noted, that those, that ascribe openly too much to their owne Wisdome, and
Policie, end Infortunate. It is written, that
Timotheus the Athenian, after he had, in the
Account he gaue to the State, of his Gouernment, often interlaced this Speech;
And in this Fortune had no Part, neuer prospered in any Thing he vndertooke afterwards. Certainly, there be, whose Fortunes are like Homers Verses, that haue a
Slide, and Easinesse, more then the Verses
of other Poets: As Plutarch saith of Timoleons Fortune, respect of that of Agesilaus, or Epaminondas. And that this should
be, no doubt it is much, in a Mans Selfe.
|
Of Vsurie.
| 1 |
MAny haue made Wittie
Inuectiues against Vsurie. They say, that it is
Pitie, the Deuill should
haue Gods part, which
is the Tithe. That the
Vsurer is the greatest Sabbath Breaker, because his Plough goeth euery Sunday.
That the Vsurer is the Droane, that Virgil
speaketh of:
Ignauum Fucos Pecus à præssepibus arc\-et.
That the Vsurer breaketh the First Law,
that was made for Mankinde, after the
Fall; which was, In sudore Vultûs tui comedes Panem tuum; Not, In sudore Vultûs
alieni. That Vsurers should haue Orangetawney Bonnets, because they doe Iudaize. That it is against Nature, for Money to beget Money; And the like. I say
this onely, that Vsury is a Concessum propter Duritiem Cordis: For since there must
be Borrowing and Lending, and Men are
so hard of Heart, as they will not lend
freely, Vsury must be permitted. Some
Others haue made Suspicious, and Cunning Propositions, of Bankes, Discouery
of Mens Estates, and other Inuentions.
But few haue spoken of Vsury vsefully. It
is good to set before vs, the Incommodities,
and Commodities of Vsury; That the Good
may be, either Weighed out, or Culled
out; And warily to prouide, that while
we make forth, to that which is better, we
meet not, with that which is worse.
|
| 2 |
The Discommodities of Vsury are: First,
that it makes fewer Merchants. For were
it not, for this Lazie Trade of Vsury, Money would not lie still, but would, in great
Part, be Imployed vpon Merchandizing;
Which is the Vena Porta of Wealth in a
State. The Second, that it makes Poore
Merchants. For as a Farmer cannot husband his Ground so well, if he sit at a
great Rent; So the Merchant cannot driue
his Trade so well, if he sit at great Vsury.
The Third is incident to the other two;
And that is, the Decay of Customes of
Kings or States, which Ebbe or flow with
Merchandizing. The Fourth, that it
bringeth the Treasure of a Realme or
State, into a few Hands. For the Vsurer
being at Certainties, and others at Vncertainties, at the end of the Game; Most of
the Money will be in the Boxe; And euer
a State flourisheth, when Wealth is more
equally spread. The Fifth, that it beats
downe the Price of Land: For the Employment of Money, is chiefly, either
Merchandizing, or Purchasing; And Vsury Way-layes both. The Sixth, that it
doth Dull and Dampe all Industries, Improuements, and new Inuentions, wherin Money would be Stirring, if it were
not for this Slugge. The Last, that it is the
Canker and Ruine of many Mens Estates;
Which in processe of Time breeds a Publike Pouertie.
|
| 3 |
On the other side, the Commodities of
Vsury are. First, that howsoeuer Vsury in
some respect hindereth Merchandizing,
yet in some other it aduanceth it: For it
is certain, that the Greatest Part of Trade,
is driuen by Young Merchants, vpon
Borrowing at Interest: So as if the Vsurer, either call in, or keepe backe his Money, there will ensue presently a great
Stand of Trade. The Second is, That
were it not, for this easie borrowing vpon
Interest, Mens necessities would draw
vpon them, a most sudden vndoing; In
that they would be forced to sell their
Meanes (be it Lands or Goods) farre vnder Foot; and so, whereas Vsury doth but
Gnaw vpon them, Bad Markets would
Swallow them quite vp. As for Mortgaging, or Pawning, it will little mend
the matter; For either Men will not take
Pawnes without Vse; Or if they doe, they
will looke precisely for the Forfeiture. I
remember a Cruell Moneyed Man, in the
Country, that would say; The Deuill take
this Vsury, it keepes vs from Forfeitures, of
Mortgages, and Bonds. The third and
Last is; That it is a Vanitie to conceiue,
that there would be Ordinary Borrowing
without Profit; And it is impossible to
conceiue, the Number of Inconueniences, that will ensue, if Borrowing be Cramped. Therefore, to speake of the Abolishing of Vsury is Idle. All States haue euer
had it, in one Kinde or Rate, or other. So
as that Opinion must be sent to Vtopia.
|
| 4 |
To speake now, of the Reformation and
Reiglement of Vsury; How the Discommodities of it may be best auoided, and the
Commodities retained. It appeares by the
Ballance, of Commodities, and Discommodities of Vsury, Two Things are to be Reconciled. The one, that the Tooth of Vsurie be
grinded, that it bite not too much:
The other, that there bee left open a
Meanes, to inuite Moneyed Men, to lend
to the Merchants, for the Continuing and
Quickning of Trade. This cannot be
done, except you introduce, two seuerall
Sorts of Vsury; A Lesse, and a Greater. For
if you reduce Vsury, to one Low Rate, it
will ease the common Borrower, but the
Merchant wil be to seeke for Money. And
it is to be noted that the Trade of Merchandize, being the most Lucratiue, may
beare Vsury at a good Rate; Other Contracts not so.
|
| 5 |
To serue both Intentions, the way
would be briefly thus. That there be Two
Rates of Vsury, The one Free, and Generall
for All; The other vnder Licence only, to
Certaine Persons, and in Certaine Places of
Merchandizing. First therefore, let Vsury,
in generall, be reduced to Fiue in the Hundred; And let that Rate be proclaimed to
be Free and Current; And let the State
shut it selfe out, to take any Penalty for the
same. This will preserue Borrowing from
any generall Stop or Drinesse. This will
ease infinite Borrowers in the Countrie.
This will, in good Part, raise the Price of
Land, because Land purchased at Sixteene
yeares Purchase, wil yeeld Six in the Hundred, and somewhat more, whereas this
Rate of Interest, Yeelds but Fiue. This, by
like reason, will Encourage and edge, Industrious and Profitable Improuements;
Because Many will rather venture in that
kinde, then take Fiue in the Hundred, especially hauing beene vsed to greater Profit.
Secondly, let there be Certaine Persons licensed to Lend, to knowne Merchants, vpon
Vsury at a Higher Rate; and let it be with
the Cautions following. Let the Rate be,
euen with the Merchant himselfe, somewhat more easie, then that he vsed formerly to pay: For, by that Meanes, all
Borrowers shall haue some ease, by this
Reformation, be he Merchant, or whosoeuer. Let it be no Banke or Common
Stocke, but euery Man be Master of his
owne Money: Not that I altogether Mislike Banks, but they will hardly be brooked, in regard of certain suspicions. Let the
State be answered, some small Matter, for
the Licence, and the rest left to the Lender: For if the Abatement be but small,
it will no whit discourage the Lender. For
he, for Example, that tooke before Ten or
Nine in the Hundred, wil sooner descend
to Eight in the Hundred, then giue ouer
his Trade of Vsury; And goe from Certaine Gaines, to Gaines of Hazard. Let
these Licenced Lenders be in Number Indefinite, but restrained to Certaine Principall Cities and Townes of Merchandizing: For then they will be hardly able, to
Colour other Mens Moneyes, in the
Country: So as the Licence of Nine, will
not sucke away the current Rate of Fiue:
For no Man will send his Moneyes farre
off, nor put them into Vnknown Hands.
|
| 6 |
If it be Obiected, that this doth, in a
Sort, Authorize Vsury, which before was,
in some places, but Permissiue: The Answer is; That it is better, to Mitigate Vsury by Declaration, then to suffer it to Rage
by Conniuence.
|
Of Youth
and Age.
| 1 |
A Man that is Young in yeares,
may be Old in Houres, if
he haue lost no Time. But
that happeneth rarely. Generally, youth is like the
first Cogitations, not so Wise as the Second. For there is a youth in thoughts as
well as in Ages. And yet the Inuention
of Young Men, is more liuely, then that of
Old: And Imaginations streame into their
Mindes better, and, as it were, more Diuinely. Natures that haue much Heat, and
great and violent desires and Perturbations, are not ripe for Action, till they
haue passed the Meridian of their yeares:
As it was with Iulius Cæsar, & Septimius Seuerus. Of the latter of whom, it is said; Iuu\-etutem egit, Erroribus, imò Furoribus, plenan.
And yet he was the Ablest Emperour,
almost, of all the List. But Reposed Natures may doe well in Youth. As it is seene,
in Augustus Cæsar, Cosmus Duke of Florence, Gaston de Fois, and others. On the
other side, Heate and Viuacity in Age,
is an Excellent Composition for Businesse. Young Men, are Fitter to Inuent, then
to Iudge; Fitter for Execution, then for
Counsell; And Fitter for New Proiects,
then for Setled Businesse. For the Experience of Age, in Things that fall within the compasse of it, directeth them;
But in New Things, abuseth them. The
Errours of Young Men are the Ruine of
Businesse; But the Errours of Aged Men
amount but to this; That more might
haue beene done, or sooner. Young Men,
in the Conduct, and Mannage of Actions, Embrace more then they can Hold,
Stirre more then they can Quiet; Fly to
the End, without Consideration of the
Meanes, and Degrees; Pursue some few
Principles, which they haue chanced
vpon absurdly; Care not to Innouate,
which draws vnknowne Inconueniences;
Vse extreme Remedies at first; And, that
which doubleth all Errours, will not acknowledge or retract them; Like an vnready Horse, that will neither Stop, nor
Turne. Men of Age, Obiect too much,
Consult too long, Aduenture too little,
Repent too soone, and seldome driue Businesse home to the full Period; But content themselues with a Mediocrity of
Successe. Certainly, it is good to compound Employments of both; For that
will be Good for the Present, because the
Vertues of either Age, may correct the
defects of both: And good for Succession,
that Young Men may be Learners, while
Men in Age are Actours: And lastly, Good
for Externe Accidents, because Authority followeth Old Men, And Fauour and
Popularity Youth. But for the Morall Part,
perhaps Youth will haue the preheminence, as Age hath for the Politique. A
certaine Rabbine, vpon the Text; Your
Young Men shall see visions, and your Old
Men shall dreame dreames; Inferreth, that
Young Men are admitted nearer to God
then Old; Because Vision is a clearer Reuelation, then a Dreame. And certainly, the
more a Man drinketh of the World, the
more it intoxicateth; And Age doth profit rather in the Powers of Vnderstanding,
then in the Vertues of the Will and Affections. There be some haue an Ouerearly Ripenesse in their yeares, which fadeth betimes: These are first, Such as haue
Brittle Wits, the Edge whereof is soone
turned; Such as was Hermogenes the Rhetorician, whose Books are exceeding Subtill; Who afterwards waxed Stupid. A
Second Sort is of those, that haue some
naturall dispositions, which haue better
Grace in Youth, then in Age: Such as is a
fluent and Luxuriant Speech; which becomes Youth well, but not Age: So Tully saith of Hortentius; Idem manebat, neque
idem decebat. The third is of such, as
take too high a Straine at the First; And
are Magnanimous, more then Tract of
yeares can vphold. As was Scipio Affricanus, of whom Liuy saith in effect; Vltima primis cedebant.
|
Of Beauty.
| 1 |
VErtue is like a Rich Stone,
best plaine set: And surely
Vertue is best in a Body, that
is comely, though not of
Delicate Features: And that hath rather
dignity of Presence, then Beauty of Aspect. Neither is it almost seene, that very
Beautifull Persons, are otherwise of great
Vertue; As if Nature, were rather Busie
not to erre, then in labour, to produce
Excellency. And therefore, they proue
Accomplished, but not of great Spirit;
And Study rather Behauiour, then Vertue. But this holds not alwaies; For Augustus Caæsar, Titus Vespasianus, Philip le
Belle of France, Edward the Fourth of England, Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael the Sophy
of Persia, were all High and Great Spirits;
And yet the most Beautifull Men of their
Times. In Beauty, that of Fauour, is more
then that of Colour, And that of Decent
and Gracious Motion, more then that of
Fauour. That is the best Part of Beauty,
which a Picture cannot expresse; No nor
the first Sight of the Life. There is no Excell\-et Beauty, that hath not some Strangenesse in the Proportion. A Man cannot
tell, whether Apelles, or Albert Durer, were
the more Trifler: Whereof the one would
make a Personage By Geometricall Proportions: The other, by taking the best
Parts out of diuers Faces, to make one Excellent. Such Personages, I thinke, would
please no Body, but the Painter, that made
them. Not but I thinke a Painter, may make
a better Face, then euer was; But he must
doe it, by a kinde of Felicity, (As a Musician that maketh an excellent Ayre in
Musicke) And not by Rule. A Man shall
see Faces, that if you examine them, Part
by Part, you shall finde neuer a good; And
yet all together doe well. If it be true, that
the Principall Part of Beauty, is in decent
Motion, certainly it is no maruaile, though
Persons in Yeares, seeme many times more
Amiable; Pulchrorum Autumnus pulcher:
For no Youth can be comely, but by Pardon, and considering the Youth, as to
make vp the comelinesse. Beauty is as Summer-Fruits, which are easie to corrupt, and
cannot last: And, for the most part, it
makes a dissolute Youth, and an Age a little out of countenance: But yet certainly
againe, if it light well, it maketh Vertues
shine, and Vices blush.
|
Of Deformity.
| 1 |
DEformed Persons are commonly euen with Nature:
For as Nature hath done ill
by them; So doe they by
Nature: Being for the most part, ( as the
Scripture saith ) void of Naturall Affection;
And so they haue their Reuenge of Nature. Certainly there is a Consent between
the Body and the Minde; And where
Nature erreth in the One, she ventureth
in the Other. Vbi peccat in vno, periclitatur in altero. But because, there is in Man,
an Election touching the Frame of his
Minde, and a Necessity in the Frame of
his Body, the Starres of Naturall Inclination, are sometimes obscured, by the Sun
of Discipline, and Vertue. Therefore, it is
good to consider of Deformity, not as a
Signe, which is more Deceiuable; But as
a Cause, which seldome faileth of the Effect. Whosoeuer hath any Thing fixed
in his Person, that doth enduce Contempt, hath also a perpetuall Spurre in
himselfe, to rescue and deliuer himselfe
from Scorne: Therefore all Deformed
Persons are extreme Bold. First, as in their
own Defence, as being exposed to Scorn;
But in Processe of Time, by a Generall Habit. Also it stirreth in them Industry, and
especially of this kinde, to watch and obserue the Weaknesse of Others, that they
may haue somewhat to repay. Againe, in
their Superiours, it quencheth Iealousie
towards them, as Persons that they think
they may at pleasure despise: And it layeth their Competitours and Emulatours
asleepe; As neuer beleeuing, they should
be in possibility of aduancement, till they
see them in Possession. So that, vpon the
matter, in a great Wit, Deformity is an Aduantage to Rising. Kings in Ancient
Times, ( And at this present in some
Countries, ) were wont to put Great
Trust in Eunuchs; Because they, that are
Enuious towards All, are more Obnoxious and Officious towards One. But yet
their Trust towards them, hath rather
beene as to good Spialls, and good Whisperers; then good Magistrates, and Officers. And much like is the Reason of Deformed Persons. Still the Ground is, they
will, if they be of Spirit, seeke to free themselues from Scorne; Which must be, either
by Vertue, or Malice: And therefore, let
it not be Maruelled, if sometimes they
proue Excellent Persons; As was Agesiaus, Zanger the Sonne of Solyman, AEsope,
Gasca President of Peru; And Socrates
may goe likewise amongst them; with
Others.
|
Of Building.
| 1 |
HOuses are built to Liue in, and
not to Looke on: Therefore
let Vse bee preferred before
Vniformitie; Except where
both may be had. Leaue the Goodly Fabrickes of Houses, for Beautie only, to the
Enchanted Pallaces of the Poets: Who
build them with small Cost. Hee that
builds a faire House, vpon an ill Seat, committeth Himselfe to Prison. Neither doe
I reckon it an ill Seat, only, where the
Aire is Vnwholsome; But likewise where
the Aire is vnequall; As you shall see many Fine Seats, set vpon a knap of Ground,
Enuironed with Higher Hilles round about it: whereby the Heat of the Sunne
is pent in, and the Wind gathereth as in
Troughes; So as you shall haue, and that
suddenly, as great Diuersitie of Heat and
Cold, as if you Dwelt in seuerall Places.
Neither is it ill Aire onely, that maketh an
ill Seat, but Ill Wayes, Ill Markets; And, if
you will consult with Momus, Ill Neighbours. I speake not of many More: Want
of Water; Want of Wood, Shade, and
Shelter; Want of Fruitfulnesse, and mixture of Grounds of seuerall Natures; Want
of Prospect; Want of Leuell Grounds;
Want of Places, at some neare Distance,
for Sports of Hunting, Hauking, and
Races; Too neare the Sea, too remote; Hauing the Commoditie of Nauigable Riuers, or the discommoditie of their Ouerflowing; Too farre off from great Cities,
which may hinder Businesse; Or too
neare them, which Lurcheth all Prouisions, and maketh euery Thing deare: Where
a Man hath a great Liuing laid together,
and where he is scanted: All which, as it
is impossible, perhaps, to finde together,
so it is good to know them, and thinke of
them, that a Man may take as many as he
can: And if he haue seuerall Dweilings,
that he sort them so, that what hee
wanteth in the One, hee may finde in the Other. Lucullus answered Pompey well; Who
when hee saw his Stately Galleries, and
Roomes, so Large and Lightsome, in one
of his Houses, said; Surely, an excellent
Place for Summer, but how doe you in Winter? Lucullus answered; Why, doe you not
think me as wise, as some Fowle are, that euer
change their Aboad towards the Winter?
|
| 2 |
To passe from the Seat, to the House it
selfe; We will doe as Cicero doth, in the
Oratours Art; Who writes Bookes De
Oratore, and a Booke he entitles Orator:
Whereof the Former deliuers the Precepts
of the Art; And the Latter the Perfection.
We will therefore describe a Princely Pallace, making a briefe Modell thereof. For
it is strange to see, now in Europe, such
Huge Buildings, as the Vatican, and Escuriall, and some Others be, and yet scarce a
very Faire Roome in them.
|
| 3 |
First therefore, I say, you cannot haue
a Perfect Pallace, except you haue two seuerall Sides; A Side for the Banquet, as is
spoken of in the Booke of Hester;
And a Side; for the Houshold: The One
for Feasts and Triumphs, and the Other for Dwelling. I vnderstand both
these Sides, to be not onely Returnes,
but Parts of the Front; And to be vniforme without, though seuerally Partitioned within; And to be on both Sides, of
a Great and Stately Tower, in the Middest
of the Front; That as it were, ioyneth
them together, on either Hand. I would
haue on the Side of the Banquet, in Front,
one only Goodly Roome, aboue Staires, of
some Fortie Foot high; And vnder it, a
Roome, for a Dressing or Preparing Place,
at Times of Triumphs. On the other Side,
which is the Houshold Side, I wish it diuided at the first, into a Hall, and a Chappell,
( with a Partition betweene; ) Both of
good State, and Bignesse: And those not
to goe all the length, but to haue, at the
further end, a Winter, and a Summer Parler, both Faire. And vnder these Roomes,
A Faire and Large Cellar, suncke vnder
Ground: And likewise, some Priuie Kitchins, with Butteries, and Pantries, and the
like. As for the Tower, I would haue it
two Stories, of Eighteene Foot High
a peece, aboue the two Wings; And a
Goodly Leads vpon the Top, railed with
Statua's interposed; And the same Tower
to bee diuided into Roomes, as shall
be thought fit. The Staires likewise, to
the vpper Roomes, let them bee vpon a
Faire open Newell, and finely raild in, with
Images of Wood, cast into a Brasse Colour:
And a very faire Landing Place at the
Top. But this to be, if you doe not point,
any of the lower Roomes, for a Dining
Place of Seruants. For otherwise, you shall
haue the Seruants Dinner, after your
owne: For the Steame of it will come vp
as in a Tunnell. And so much for the
Front. Only, I vnderstand the Height of
the first Staires, to be Sixteene Foot, which
is the Height of the Lower Roome.
|
| 4 |
Beyond this Front, is there to be a
Faire Court, but three Sides of it, of a Farre
Lower building, then the Front. And in
all the foure Corners of that Court, Faire
Staire Cases, cast into Turrets, on the
Outside, and not within the Row of Buildings
themselues. But those Towers, are not to
be of the Height of the Front; But rather
Proportionable to the Lower Building.
Let the Court not be paued, for that striketh vp a great Heat in Summer, and
much Cold in Winter. But onely some
Side Alleys, with a Crosse, and the Quarters to Graze, being kept Shorne, but not
too neare Shorne. The Row of Returne,
on the Banquet Side, Let it be all Stately
Galleries; In which Galleries, Let there be
three, or fiue, fine Cupola's, in the Length
of it, placed at equall distance: And fine
Coloured Windowes of seuerall workes. On
the
Houshold Side, Chambers of Presence,
and Ordinary Entertainments, with some
Bed-chambers; And let all three Sides, be a
double House, without Thorow Lights,
on the Sides, that you may haue Roomes
from the Sunne, both for Fore-noone,
and After-noone. Cast it also, that you
may haue Roomes, both for Summer,
and Winter: Shadie for Summer, and
Warme for Winter. You shall haue
sometimes Faire Houses, so full of Glasse, that
one cannot tell, where to become, to be
out of the Sunne, or Cold: For Inbowed
Windowes, I hold them of good Vse; ( In
Cities indeed, Vpright doe better, in respect
of the Vniformitie towards the Street; )
For they bee Prettie Retiring Places for
Conference; And besides, they keepe
both the Wind, and Sunne off: For that
which would strike almost thorow the
Roome, doth scarce passe the Window. But
let them be but few, Foure in the Court,
On the Sides onely.
|
| 5 |
Beyond this Court, let there be an Inward Court of the same Square, and
Height; Which is to be enuironed, with
the Garden, on all Sides: And in the Inside, Cloistered on all Sides, vpon Decent
and Beautifull Arches, as High as the first
Story. On the Vnder Story, towards the
Garden, Let it be turned to a Grotta, or
Place of Shade, or Estiuation. And onely
haue opening and Windowes towards the
Garden; And be Leuell vpon the Floare,
no whit sunke vnder Ground, to auoid all
Dampishnesse. And let there be a Fountaine, or some faire Worke of Statua's, in the
Middest of this Court; And to be Paued
as the other Court was. These Buildings
to be for Priuie Lodgings, on both Sides;
And the End, for Priuie Galleries. Whereof, you must fore-see, that one of them, be
for an Infirmary, if the Prince, or any Speciall Person should be Sicke, with Chambers, Bed-chamber, Anticamera, and Recamera, ioyning to it. This vpon the Second
Story. Vpon the Ground Story, a Faire
Gallery, Open, vpon Pillars: And vpon
the Third Story likewise, an Open Gallery
vpon Pillars, to take the Prospect, and
Freshnesse of the Garden. At both Corners of the further Side, by way of Returne, Let there be two Delicate or Rich
Cabinets, Daintily Paued, Richly Hanged,
Glased with Crystalline Glasse, and a Rich
Cupola in the Middest; And all other Elegancie that may be thought vpon. In the
Vpper Gallery too, I wish that there may
be, if the Place will yeeld it, some Fountaines Running, in diuers Places, from the
Wall, with some fine Auoidances. And
thus much, for the Modell of the Pallace:
Saue that, you must haue, before you
come to the Front, three Courts. A Greene
Court Plaine, with a Wall about it: A Second
Court of the same, but more Garnished,
with little Turrets, or rather Embellishments, vpon the Wall: And a Third Court,
to make a Square with the Front, but not
to be built, nor yet enclosed with a Naked
Wall, but enclosed with Tarrasses, Leaded
aloft, and fairely garnished, on the three
Sides; And Cloistered on the Inside, with
Pillars, and not with Arches Below. As
for Offices, let them stand at Distance,
with some Low Galleries, to passe from
them, to the Pallace it Selfe.
|
Of Gardens.
| 1 |
GOD Almightie first Planted a
Garden. And indeed, it is the
Purest of Humane pleasures.
It is the Greatest Refreshment
to the Spirits of Man; Without which,
Buildings and Pallaces are but Grosse Handy-works: And a Man shall euer see, that
when Ages grow to Ciuility and Elegancie, Men come to Build Stately, sooner
then to Garden Finely: As if Gardening
were the Greater Perfection. I doe hold it,
in the Royall Ordering of Gardens, there
ought to be Gardens, for all the Moneths in
the Yeare: In which, seuerally, Things of
Beautie, may be then in Season. For December, and Ianuary, and the Latter Part
of Nouember, you must take such Things,
as are Greene all Winter: Holly; Iuy;
Bayes; Iuniper; Cipresse Trees; Eugh;
Pine-Apple-Trees; Firre-Trees; RoseMary; Lauander; Periwinckle, the White,
the Purple, and the Blene; Germander;
Flagges; Orenge-Trees; Limon-Trees;
And Mirtles, if they be stirred; And Sweet
Marioram warme set. There followeth,
for the latter Part of Ianuary, and February, the Mezerion Tree, which then blossomes; Crocus Vernus, both the Yellow,
and the Gray; Prime-Roses; Anemonies;
The Early Tulippa; Hiacynthus Orientalis; Camaïris; Frettellaria. For March,
There Come Violets, specially the Single
Blew, which are the Earliest; The Yeilow
Daffadill; The Dazie; The AlmondTree in Blossome; The Peach-Tree in
Blossome; The Cornelian-Tree in Blossome; Sweet-Briar. In Aprill follow, The
Double white Violet; The Wall-flower;
The Stock-Gilly-Flower; The Couslip;
Flower-De-lices, and Lillies of Natures;
Rose-mary Flowers; The Tulippa; The
Double Piony; The Pale Daffadill; The
French Honny-Suckle; The Cherry-Tree
in Blossome; The Dammasin, and
PlumTrees in Blossome; The White-Thorne
in Leafe; The Lelacke Tree. In May, and
Iune, come Pincks of all sorts, Specially
the Blush Pincke; Roses of all kinds, except the Muske, which comes-later; Hony-Suckles; Strawberries; Buglosse; Columbine; The French Mary-gold; Flos
Africanus; Cherry-Tree in Fruit; Ribes;
Figges in Fruit; Raspes; Vine Flowers;
Lauender in Flowers; The Sweet Satyrian, with the White Flower; Herba Muscaria; Lilium Conuallium; The Appletree in Blossome. In Iuly, come GillyFlowers of all Varieties; Muske Roses;
The Lime-Tree in blossome; Early Peares,
and Plummes in Fruit; Ginnitings; Quadlins. In August, come Plummes of all sorts
in Fruit; Peares; Apricockes; Berberies;
Filberds; Muske-Melons; Monks Hoods,
of all colours. In September, come Grapes;
Apples; Poppies of all colours; Peaches;
Melo-Cotones; Nectarines; Cornelians;
Wardens; Quinces. In October, and the
beginning of Nouember, come Seruices;
Medlars; Bullises, Roses Cut or
Remoued to come late; Hollyokes; and such
like. These Particulars are for the Climate
of London; But my meaning is Perceiued,
that you may haue Ver Perpetuum, as the
Place affords.
|
| 2 |
And because, the Breath of Flowers, is
farre Sweeter in the Aire, ( where it comes
and Goes, like the Warbling of Musick )
then in the hand, therfore nothing is more
fit for that delight, then to know, what be
the Flowers, and Plants, that doe best perfume the Aire. Roses Damask & Red, are
fast Flowers of their Smels; So that; you
may walke by a whole Row of them, and
finde Nothing of their Sweetnesse; Yea
though it be, in a Mornings Dew. Bayes
likewise yeeld no Smell, as they grow.
Rosemary little; Nor Sweet-Marioram.
That, which aboue all Others, yeelds the
Sweetest Smell in the Aire, is the Violet;
Specially the White-double-Violet, which
comes twice a Yeare; About the middle of
Aprill, and about Bartholomew-tide. Next
to that is, the Muske-Rose. Then the
Strawberry Leaues dying, which a most
Excellent Cordiall Smell. Then the
Flower of the Vines; It is a little dust, like
the dust of a Bent, which growes vpon
the Cluster, in the First comming forth.
Then Sweet Briar. Then Wall-Flowers,
which are very Delightfull, to be set vnder a Parler, or Lower Chamber Window. Then Pincks, specially the Matted
Pinck, and Cloue Gilly-flower. Then
the Flowers of the Lime Tree. Then the
Honny-suckles, so they be somewhat a
farre off. Of Beane Flowers I speake not,
because they are Field Flowers. But those
which Perfume the Aire most delightfully, not passed by as the rest, but being Troden vpon and Crushed, are Three: That is
Burnet, Wilde-Time, and Water-Mints.
Therefore, you are to set whole Allies of
them, to haue the Pleasure, when you
walke or tread.
|
| 3 |
For Gardens, ( Speaking of those,
which are indeed Prince-like, as we haue
done of Buildings) the Contents, ought
not well to be, vnder Thirty Acres of
Ground; And to be diuided into three
Parts: A Greene in the Entrance; A
Heath or Desart in the Going forth; And
the Garden in the middest; Besides Alleys,
on both Sides. And I like well, that
Foure Acres of Ground, be assigned to
the Greene; Six to the Heath; Foure and
Foure to either side; And Twelue to the
Maine Garden. The Greene hath two
pleasures; The one, because nothing is
more Pleasant to the Eye, then Greene
Grasse kept finely shorne; The other, because it will giue you a faire Alley in the
midst, by which you may go in front vpon a Stately Hedge, which is to inclose the
Garden. But, because the Alley will be
long, and in great Heat of the Yeare, or
Day, you ought not to buy the shade, in
the Garden, by Going in the Sunne
thorow the Greene, therefore you are, of
either Side the Greene, to Plant a Couert
Alley, vpon Carpenters Worke, about
Twelue Foot in Height, by which you
may goe in Shade, into the Garden. As for
the Making of Knots, or Figures, with
Diuers Coloured Earths, that they may
lie vnder the Windowes of the House,
on that Side which the Garden stands,
they be but Toyes: You may see as good
Sights, many times, in Tarts. The Garden
is best to be Square; lncompassed, on
all the Foure Sides, with a Stately Arched
Hedge. The Arches to be vpon Pillars,
of Carpenters Worke, of some Ten Foot
high, and Six Foot broad: And the Spaces between, of the same Dimension, with
the Breadth of the Arch. Ouer the Arches,
let there be an Entire Hedge, of some
Foure Foot High, framed also vpon
Carpenters Worke: And vpon the Vpper Hedge, ouer euery Arch, a little Turret, with a Belly, enough to receiue a
Cage of Birds: And ouer euery Space,
betweene the Arches, some other little
Figure, with Broad Plates of Round Coloured Glasse, gilt, for the Sunne, to Play
vpon. But this Hedge I entend to be, raised
vpon a Bancke, not Steepe, but gently
Slope, of some Six Foot, set all with Flowers. Also I vnderstand, that this Square of
the Garden, should not be the whole
Breadth of the Ground, but to leaue, on
either Side, Ground enough, for diuersity
of Side Alleys: Vnto which, the Two Couert Alleys of the Greene, may deliuer you.
But there must be, no Alleys with Hedges,
at either End, of this great Inclosure: Not
at the Hither End, for letting your Prospect
vpon this Faire Hedge from the Greene;
Nor at the Further End, for letting your
Prospect from the Hedge, through the
Arches, vpon the Heath.
|
| 4 |
For the Ordering of the Ground, within the Great Hedge, I leaue it to Variety of
Deuice; Aduising neuerthelesse, that
whatsoeuer forme you cast it into, first it
be not too Busie, or full of Worke. Wherein I, for my part, doe not like Images Cut
out in Iuniper, or other Garden stuffe: They
be for Children. Little low Hedges,
Round, like Welts, with some Pretty Pyramides, I like well: And in some Places,
Faire Columnes vpon Frames of Carpenters Worke. I would also, haue the Alleys, Spacious and Faire. You may haue
Closer Alleys vpon the Side Grounds, but
none in the Maine Garden. I wish also, in
the very Middle, a Faire Mount, with three
Ascents, and Alleys, enough for foure to
walke a breast; Which I would haue to be
Perfect Circles, without any Bulwarkes,
or Imbosments; And the Whole Mount, to
be Thirty Foot high; And some fine Banquetting House, with some Chimneys neatly cast, and without too much Glasse.
|
| 5 |
For Fountaines, they are a great Beauty, and Refreshment; But Pooles marre
all, and make the Garden vnwholsome,
and full of Flies, and Frogs. Fountaines
I intend to be of two Natures: The One,
that Sprinckleth or Spouteth Water; The
Other a Faire Receipt of Water, of some
Thirty or Forty Foot Square, but without Fish, or Slime, or Mud. For the first,
the Ornaments of Images Gilt, or of Marble, which are in vse, doe well: But the
maine Matter is, so to Conuey the Water,
as it neuer Stay, either in the Bowles, or
in the Cesterne; That the Water be neuer
by Rest Discoloured, Greene, or Red,
or the like; Or gather any Mossinesse or
Putrefaction. Besides that, it is to be cleansed euery day by the Hand. Also some
Steps vp to it, and some Fine Pauement
about it, doth well. As for the other
Kinde of Fountaine, which we may call
a Bathing Poole, it may admit much Curiosity, and Beauty; wherewith we will
not trouble our selues: As, that the Bottome be finely Paued, And with Images:
The sides likewise; And withall Embellished with Coloured Glasse, and such
Things of Lustre; Encompassed also,
with fine Railes of Low Statua's. But the
Maine Point is the same, which we
mentioned, in the former Kinde of Fountaine; which is, that the Water be in Perpetuall Motion, Fed by a Water higher
then the Poole, and Deliuered into it by
faire Spouts, and then discharged away
vnder Ground, by some Equalitie of
Bores, that it stay little. And for fine Deuices, of Arching Water without Spilling,
and Making it rise in seuerall Formes,
( of Feathers, Drinking Glasses, Canopies,
and the like, ) they be pretty things to
looke on, but Nothing to Health and
Sweetnesse.
|
| 6 |
For the Heath, which was the Third
Part of our Plot, I wish it to be framed, as
much as may be, to a Naturall wildnesse.
Trees I would haue none in it; But some
Thichets, made onely of Sweet-Briar, and
Honny-suckle, and some Wilde Vine amongst; And the Ground set with Violets,
Strawberries, and Prime-Roses. For these
are Sweet, and pr(osper in the Shade. And
these to be in the Heath, here and there,
not in any Order. I like also little Heaps,
in the Nature of Mole-hils, ( such as are in
Wilde Heaths) to be set, some with Wilde
Thyme; Some with Pincks; Some with
Germander, that giues a good Flower to
the Eye; Some with Periwinckle; Some
with Violets; Some with Strawberries;
Some with Couslips; Some with Daisies;
Some with Red-Roses; Some with Lilium Conuallium; Some with Sweet-Williams Red; Some with Beares-Foot; And
the like Low Flowers, being withal Sweet,
and Sightly. Part of which Heapes, to be
with Standards, of little Bushes, prickt vpon their Top, and Part without. The
Standards to be Roses; Iuniper; Holly;
Beare-berries ( but here and there, because
of the Smell of their Blossome; ) Red Currans; Goose-berries; Rose-Mary; Bayes;
Sweet-Briar; and such like. But these Standards, to be kept with Cutting, that they
grow not out of Course.
|
| 7 |
For the Side Grounds, you are to fill
them with Varietie of Alleys, Priuate, to
giue a full Shade; Some of them, wheresoeuer the Sun be. You are to frame some
of them likewise for Shelter, that when
the Wind blows Sharpe, you may walke,
as in a Gallery. And those Alleys must be
likewise hedged, at both Ends, to keepe
out the Wind; And these Closer Alleys,
must bee euer finely Grauelled, and no
Grasse, because of Going wet. In many
of these Alleys likewise, you are to set
Fruit-Trees of all Sorts; As well vpon the
Walles, as in Ranges. And this would be
generally obserued, that the Borders, wherin you plant your Fruit-Trees, be Faire
and Large, and Low, and not Steepe; And
Set with Fine Flowers, but thin and sparingly, lest they Deceiue the Trees. At the
End of both the Side Grounds, I would
haue a Mount of some Pretty Height, leauing the Wall of the Enclosure, Brest high,
to looke abroad into the Fields.
|
| 8 |
For the Maine Garden, I doe not Deny,
but there should be some Faire Alleys, ranged on both Sides, with Fruit Trees; And
some Pretty Tufts of Fruit Trees, And Arbours with Seats, set in some Decent Order; But these to be, by no Meanes, set too
thicke; But to leaue the Maine Garden, so
as it be not close, but the Aire Open and
Free. For as for Shade, I would haue you
rest, vpon the Alleys of the Side Grounds,
there to walke, if you be Disposed, in the
Heat of the Yeare, or day; But to make
Account, that the Maine Garden, is for the
more Temperate Parts of the yeare; And
in the Heat of Summer, for the Morning,
and the Euening, or Ouer-cast Dayes.
|
| 9 |
For Auiaries, I like them not, except
they be of that Largenesse, as they may be
Turffed, and haue Liuing Plants, and
Bushes, set in them; That the Birds may
haue more Scope, and Naturall Neastling, and that no Foulenesse appeare, in the
Floare of the Auiary. So I haue made a
Platforme of a Princely Garden, Partly by
Precept, Partly by Drawing, not a Modell,
but some generall Lines of it; And in this
I haue spared for no Cost. But it is Nothing, for Great Princes, that for the most
Part, taking Aduice with Workmen, with
no Lesse Cost, set their Things together;
And sometimes adde Statua's, and such
Things, for State, and Magnificence, but
nothing to the true Pleasure of a Garden.
|
Of Negociating.
| 1 |
IT is generally better to
deale by Speech, then by
Letter; And by the Meditation of a Third, then
by a Mans Selfe. Letters are good, when a
Man would draw an Answer by Letter
backe againe; Or when it may serue, for a
Mans Iustification, afterwards to produce
his owne Letter; Or where it may be Danger to be interrupted, or heard by Peeces.
To deale in Person is good, when a Mans
Face breedeth Regard, as Commonly
with Inferiours; Or in Tender Cases,
where a Mans Eye, vpon the Countenance of him with whom he speaketh,
may giue him a Direction, how farre to
goe: And generally, where a Man will
reserue to himselfe Libertie, either to
Disavow, or to Expound. In Choice of Instruments, it is better, to choose Men of a
Plainer Sort, that are like to doe that, that
is committed to them, and to report back
again faithfully the Successe; Then those,
that are Cunning to Contriue out of other Mens Businesse, somewhat to grace
themselues; And will helpe the Matter, in
Report, for Satisfaction sake. Vse also,
such Persons, as affect the Businesse, wherin they are Employed; For that quickneth much; And such, as are Fit for the
Matter; As Bold Men for Expostulation,
Faire spoken Men for Perswasion, Craftie
Men for Enquiry and Obseruation, Froward and Absurd Men for Businesse that
doth not well beare out it Selfe. Vse also
such, as haue beene Luckie, and Preuailed
before in Things wherein you haue Emploied them; For that breeds Confidence,
and they will striue to maintaine their
Prescription. It is better, to sound a Person, with whom one Deales, a farre off,
then to fall vpon the Point at first; Except you meane to surprize him by some
Short Question. It is better Dealing with
Men in Appetite, then with those that are
where they would be. If a man Deale
with another vpon Conditions, the Start
or First Performance is all; Which a Man
cannot reasonably Demaund, except either the Nature of the Thing be such,
which must goe before; Or Else a Man
can perswade the other Partie, that hee
shall still need him, in some other Thing;
Or else that he be counted the Honester
Man. All Practise, is to Discouer, or to
Worke. Men Discouer themselues, in Trust;
In Passion; At vnawares; And of Necessitie, when they would haue somewhat
done, and cannot finde an apt Pretext. If
you would Worke any Man, you must
either know his Nature, and Fashions,
and so Lead him; Or his Ends, and so
Perswade him; Or his Weaknesse, and
Disaduantages, and so Awe him; or those
that haue Interest in him, and so Gouerne
him. In Dealing with Cunning Persons,
we must euer Consider their Ends, to interpret their Speeches; And it is good, to
say little to them, and that which they least
looke for. In all Negociations of Difficultie, a Man may not looke, to Sowe and
Reape at once; But must Prepare Businesse, and so Ripen it by Degrees.
|
Of Followers and Frends.
| 1 |
COstly Followers are not to be
liked; Lest while a Man maketh his Traine Longer, hee
make his Wings Shorter. I
reckon to bee Costly, not them alone,
which charge the Purse, but which are
Wearisome and Importune in Sutes. Ordinary Followers ought to challenge no
Higher Conditions, then Countenance,
Recommendation, and Protection from
Wrongs. Factious Followers are worse to
be liked, which Follow not vpon Affection to him, with whom they range Themselues, but vpon Discontentment Conceiued against some Other: Whereupon
commonly ensueth, that Ill Intelligence,
that we many times see betweene Great
Personages. Likewise Glorious Followers,
who make themselues as Trumpets, of
the Commendation of those they Follow, are full of Inconuenience; For they
taint Businesse through Want of Secrecie;
And they Export Honour from a Man,
and make him a Returne in Enuie. There
is a Kinde of Followers likewise, which are
Dangerous, being indeed Espials; which
enquire the Secrets of the House, and
beare Tales of them to Others. Yet such
Men, many times, are in great Fauour;
For they are Officious, And Commonly
Exchange Tales. The Following by certaine Estates of Men, answerable to that,
which a Great Person himselfe professeth,
( as of Soldiers to him that hath been Employed in the Warres, and the like, ) hath
euer beene a Thing Ciuill, and well taken
euen in Monarchies; So it be without too
much Pompe or Popularitie. But the most
Honourable Kinde of Following, is to be
Followed, as one that apprehendeth, to
aduance Vertue and Desert, in all Sorts of
Persons. And yet, where there is no Eminent Oddes in Sufficiencie, it is better to
take with the more Passable, then with
the more Able. And besides, to speake
Truth, in Base Times, Actiue Men are of
more vse, then Vertuous. It is true, that
in Gouernment, it is Good to vse Men of
one Rancke equally: for to countenance
some extraordinarily, is to make them Insolent, and the rest Discontent; Because
they may claime a Due. But contrariwise
in Fauour, to vse Men with much Difference and Election, is Good; For it maketh the Persons Preferred more Thankfull, and the Rest more officious; Because
all is of Fauour. It is good Discretion,
not to make too much of any Man, at the
first; Because One cannot hold out that
Proportion. To be gouerned (as we call
it) by One, is not safe: For it shewes Softnesse, and giues Freedome to Scandall
and Disreputation: For those that would
not Censure, or Speake ill of a Man immediatly, will talke more boldly of Those,
that are so great with them, and thereby
Wound their Honour. Yet to be Distracted with many is Worse; For it makes
Men, to be of the Last Impression, and full
of Change. To take Aduice of some few
Frends, is euer Honourable; For Lookers
on, many times, see more then Gamesters;
And the Vale best discouereth the Hill. There
is Little Frendship in the World, and Least
of all betweene Equals, which was wont
to be Magnified. That that is, is between
Superiour and Inferiour, whose Fortunes
may Comprehend, the One the Other.
|
Of Sutours.
| 1 |
MAny ill Matters and Proiects
are vndertaken; And Priuate Sutes doe Putrifie the
Publique Good. Many
Good Matters are vndertaken with Bad
Mindes; I meane not onely Corrupt
Mindes, but Craftie Mindes, that intend
not Performance. Some embrace Sutes,
which neuer meane to deale effectually in
them; But if they see, there may be life in
the Matter, by some other meane, they
will be content to winne a Thanke, or
take a Second Reward, or at least to make
Vse, in the meane time, of the Sutours
Hopes. Some take hold of Sutes, onely
for an Occasion, to Crosse some other;
Or to make an Information, whereof they
could not otherwise haue apt Pretext;
without Care what become of the Sute,
when that Turne is serued: Or generally,
to make other Mens Businesse, a Kinde of
Entertainment, to bring in their owne.
Nay, some vndertake Sutes, with a full
Purpose, to let them fall; To the end, to
gratifie the Aduerse Partie, or Competitour. Surely, there is, in some sort, a Right in
euery Sute: Either a Right of Equity, if it be
a Sute of Controuersie; Or a Right of Desert, if it be a Sute of Petition. If Affection
lead a Man, to fauour the Wrong Side in
Iustice, let him rather vse his Countenance, to Compound the Matter, then to
Carry it. If Affection lead a Man, to fauour the lesse Worthy in Desert, let him
doe it without Deprauing or Disabling
the Better Deseruer. In Sutes, which a man
doth not well vnderstand, it is good to
referre them, to some Frend of Trust and
Iudgement, that may report whether hee
may deale in them with Honour: But let
him chuse well his Referendaries, for else
he may be led by the Nose. Sutours are
so distasted with Delayes, and Abuses,
that PIaine Dealing, in denying to deale
in Sutes at first, and Reporting the Successe barely, and in Challenging no mero
Thanks then one hath deserued, is grwon
not onely Honourable, but also Gracious. In Sutes of Fauour, the first Comming ought to take little Place: So farre
forth Consideration may bee had of his
Trust, that if Intelligence of the Matter,
could not otherwise haue beene had, but
by him, Aduantage bee not taken of the
Note, but the Partie left to his other
Meanes; and, in some sort, Recompenced for his Discouerie. To be Ignorant of
the value of a Sute, is Simplicitie; As well
as to be Ignorant of the Right thereof, is
Want of Conscience. Secrecie in Sutes, is
a great Meane of Obtaining; For voycing them, to bee in Forwardnesse, may
discourage some Kinde of Sutours; But
doth Quicken and Awake Others. But
Timing of the Sute, is the Principall. Timing, I say, not onely in respect of the
Person, that should graunt it, but in respect of those, which are like to Crosse it.
Let a Man, in the choice of his Meane,
rather chuse the Fittest Meane, then the
Greatest Meane: And rather them, that
deale in certaine Things, then those that
are Generall. The Reparation of a Deniall, is somtimes EqualI to the first Grant;
If a Man shew himselfe, neither deiected,
nor discontented. Iniquum petas, vt AEquum feras; is a good Rule, where a Man
hath Strength of Fauour: But otherwise,
a man were better rise in his Sute; For he
that would haue ventured at first to haue
lost the Sutour, will not in the Conclusion, lose both the Sutour, and his owne former Fauour. Nothing is thought so Easie
a Request, to a great Person, as his Letter;
And yet, if it be not in a Good Cause, it is
so much out of his Reputation. There
are no worse Instruments, then these Generall Contriuers of Sutes: For they are
but a Kinde of Poyson and Infection to
Publique Proceedings.
|
Of Studies.
| 1 |
STudies serue for Delight, for
Ornament, and for Ability.
Their Chiefe Vse for Delight,
is in Priuatenesse and Retiring; For Ornament, is in Discourse;
And for Ability, is in the Iudgement and
Disposition of Businesse. For Expert Men
can Execute, and perhaps Iudge of particulars, one by one; But the generall
Counsels, and the Plots, and Marshalling
of Affaires, come best from those that are
Learned. To spend too much Time in
Studies, is Sloth; To vse them too much
for Ornament, is Affectation; To make
Iudgement wholly by their Rules is the
Humour of a Scholler. They perfect Nature, and are perfected, by Experience:
For Naturall Abilities, are like Naturall
Plants, that need Proyning by Study:
And Studies themselues, doe giue forth
Directions too much at Large, except
they be bounded in by experience. Crafty
Men Contemne Studies; Simple Men Admire them; and Wise Men Vse them: For
they teach not their owne Vse; But that
is a Wisdome without them, and aboue
them, won by Obseruation. Reade not to
Contradict, and Confute; Nor to Beleeue and Take for granted; Nor to Finde
Talke and Discourse; But to weigh and
Consider. Some Bookes are to be Tasted,
Others to be Swallowed, and Some Few
to be Chewed and Digested: That is,
some Bookes are to be read onely in Parts;
Others to be read but not Curiously; And
some Few to be read wholly, and with
Diligence and Attention. Some Bookes
also may be read by Deputy, and Extracts
made of them by Others: But that would
be, onely in the lesse important Arguments, and the Meaner Sort of Bookes:
else distilled Bookes, are like Common
distilled Waters, Flashy Things. Reading
maketh a Full Man; Conference a
Ready Man; And Writing an Exact Man.
And therefore, If a Man Write little, he
had need haue a Great memory; If he
Conferre little, he had need haue a Present Wit; And if he Reade litle, he had need
haue much Cunning, to seeme to know
that, he doth n
ot. Histories make Men
Wise; Poets Witty; The Mathematicks
Subtill; Naturall Philosophy deepe; Morall Graue; Logick and Rhetorick Able
to Contend. Abeunt studia in Mores. Nay
there is no Stond or Impediment in the
Wit, but may be wrought out by Fit Studies: Like as Diseases of the Body, may
haue Appropriate Exercises. Bowling is
good for the Stone and Reines; Shooting
for the Lungs and Breast; Gentle Walking
for the Stomacke; Riding for the Head;
And the like. So if a Mans Wit be Wandring, let him Study the Mathematicks; For
in Demonstrations, if his Wit be called
away neuer so little, he must begin again:
If his Wit be not Apt to distinguish or find
differences, let him Study the Schoole-men;
For they are Cymini sectores. If he be not
Apt to beat ouer Matters, and to call
vp one Thing, to Proue and Illustrate another, let him Study the Lawyers Cases; So
euery Defect of the Minde, may haue a
Speciall Receit.
|
Of Faction.
| 1 |
MAny haue an Opinion
not wise; That for a
Prince to Gouerne his
Estate; Or for a Great
Person to gouerne his
Proceedings, according to the Respect of Factions, is a Principall Part of Policy: whereas contrariwise, the Chiefest Wisdome is; either in
Ordering those Things, which are Generall, and wherein Men of Seuerall Factions doe neuerthelesse agree; Or in dealing
with Correspondence to Particular Persons, one by one. But I say not, that the
consideration of Factions, is to be Neglected. Meane Men, in their Rising, must
adhere; But Great Men, that haue
Strength in themselues, were better to
maintaine themselues Indifferent, and
Neutrall. Yet euen in beginners, to adhere so moderately, as hee bee a Man of
the one Faction, which is most Passable with the other, commonly giueth
best Way. The Lower and Weaker Faction, is the firmer in Coniunction:
And it is often seene, that a few, that are
Stiffe, doe tire out, a greater Number, that
are more Moderate. When One of the
Factions is Extinguished, the Remaining
Subdiuideth: As the Faction, betweene
Lucullus, and the Rest of the Nobles of
the Senate (which they called Optimates)
held out a while, against the Faction of
Pompey and Cæsar: But when the Senates
Authority was pulled Downe, Cæsar and
Pompey soone after brake. The Faction or
Partie of Antonius, and Octauianus Cæsar,
against Brutus and Cassius, held out likewise for a time: But when Brutus and Cassius were ouerthrowne, then soone after
Antonius and Octauianus brake and Subdiuided. These Examples are of Warres, but
the same holdeth in Priuate Factions. And
therefore, those that are Seconds in
Factions, doe many times, when the Faction
Subdiuideth, proue Principals: But many
times also, they proue Ciphars and Casheer'd: For many a Mans Strength is in
opposition; And when that faileth, he
groweth out of vse. It is commonly seene,
that Men once Placed, take in with the
Contrary Faction to that, by which they
enter; Thinking belike that they haue
the First Sure; And now are Readie for a
New Purchase. The Traitour in Faction
lightly goeth away with it; For when
Matters haue stucke long in Ballancing,
the Winning of some one Man casteth
them, and he getteth all the Thankes. The
Euen Carriage betweene two Factions,
proceedeth not alwaies of Moderation,
but of a Truenesse to a Mans Selfe, with
End to make vse of both. Certainly in
Italy, they hold it a little suspect in Popes,
when they haue often in their Mouth, Padre commune: And take it, to be a Signe
of one, that meaneth to referre all, to the
Greatnesse of his owne House. Kings had
need beware, how they Side themselues,
and make themselues as of a Faction or
Partie: For Leagues, within the State, are
euer Pernicious to Monarchies; For they
raise an Obligation, Paramount to Obligation of Soueraigntie, and make the
King, Tanquàm vnus ex nobis: As was to
be seene, in the League of France. When
Factions are carried too high, and too violently, it is a Signe of Weaknesse in Princes; And much to the Preiudice, both of
their Authoritie, and Businesse. The Motions of Factions, vnder Kings, ought to be
like the Motions ( as the Astronomers
speake) of the Inferiour Orbs; which may
haue their Proper Motions, but yet still,
are quietly carried, by the Higher Motion,
of Primum Mobile.
|
Of Ceremonies and Respects.
| 1 |
HE that is only Reall, had need
haue Exceeding great Parts
of Vertue: As the Stone had
need to be Rich, that is set
without Foile. But if a Man marke it well,
it is in praise and Commendation of Men,
as it is in Gettings and Gaines: For the
Prouerbe is true, That light Gaines make
heauy Purses; For light Gaines come thick,
whereas Great come but now and then.
So it is true, that Small Matters win great
Commendation, because they are continually in Vse, and in note: whereas the
Occasion of any great Vertue, commeth
but on Festiuals. Therefore it doth much
adde, to a Mans Reputation, and is, ( as
Queene Isabella said ) Like perpetuall Letters Commendatory, to haue good Formes.
To Attaine them, it almost sufficeth, not
to despise them: For so shall a Man obserue them in Others: And let him trust
himselfe with the rest. For if he Labour
too much to Expresse them, he shall lose
their Grace; Which is to be Naturall and
Vnaffected. Some Mens Behauiour, is
like a Verse, wherein euery Syllable is
Measured: How can a man comprehend
great Matters, that breaketh his Minde
too much to small Obseruations? Not to
vse Ceremonies at all, is to teach Others not
to vse them againe; And so diminisheth
Respect to himselfe: Especially they be
not to be omitted to Strangers, and Formall Natures: But the Dwelling vpon
them, & Exalting them aboue the Moone,
is not only Tedious, but doth Diminish
the Faith and Credit of him that speakes.
And certainly, there is a Kinde, of Conueying of Effectuall and Imprinting Passages, amongst Complements, which is of
Singular vse, if a Man can hit vpon it. Amongst a Mans Peeres, a Man shall be sure
of Familiaritie; And therefore, it is good a
little to keepe State. Amongst a Mans Inferiours, one shall be sure of Reuerence;
And therefore it is good a little to be Familiar. He that is too much in any Thing,
so that he giueth another Occasion of Sacietie, maketh himselfe cheape. To apply
Ones Selfe to others, is good: So it be with
Demonstration, that a Man doth it vpon
Regard, And not vpon Facilitie. It is a
good Precept, generally in Seconding
Another, yet to adde somewhat of Ones
Owne: As if you will grant his Opinion,
let it be with some Distinction; If you
will follow his Motion, let it bee with
Condition; If you allow his Counsell, let
it be with Alledging further Reason. Men
had need beware, how they be too Perfect
in Complements; For be they neuer so
Sufficient otherwise, their Enuiers will
be sure to giue them that Attribute, to the
Disaduantage of their greater Vertues. It
is losse also in businesse, to be too full of
Respects, or to be too Curious in Obseruing Times and Opportunities. Salomon
saith; He that considereth the wind, shall not
Sow, and he that looketh to the Clouds, shall
not reape. A wise Man will make more
Opportunities then he findes. Mens Behauiour should be like their Apparell, not
too Strait, or point Deuice, but Free for
Exercise or Motion.
|
Of Praise.
| 1 |
PRaise is the Reflection of Vertue. But it is as the Glasse or
Bodie, which giueth the Reflection. If it be from the
Common People, it is commonly False
and Naught; And rather followeth Vaine
Persons, then Vertuous: For the Common People vnderstand not many Excellent Vertues: The Lowest Vertues draw
Praise from them; The middle Vertues
worke in them Astonishment, or Admiration; But of the Highest Vertues, they
haue no Sense, or Perceiuing at all. But
Shewes, and Species virtutibus similes, serue
best with them. Certainly, Fame is like a
Riuer, that beareth vp Things Light and
Swolne, And Drownes Things waighty
and Solide: But if persons of Qualitie and
Iudgement concurre, then it is, (as the
Scripture saith) Nomen bonum instar vnguenti fragrantis. It filleth all round about,
and will not easily away. For the Odours
of Oyntments, are more Durable, then
those of Flowers. There be so many False
Points of Praise, that a Man may iustly
hold it a Suspect. Some Praises proceed
meerely of Flattery; And if hee be an
Ordinary Flatterer, he will haue certaine
Common Attributes, which may serue
euery Man; If he be a Cunning Flatterer,
he will follow the Arch-flatterer, which is
Mans selfe; and wherein a Man thinketh
best of himselfe, therein the Flatterer will
vphold him most: But if he be an Impudent Flatterer, look wherin a Man is Conscious to himselfe, that he is most Defectiue, and is most out of Countenance in
himselfe, that will the Flatterer Entitle
him to, perforce, Spretâ Conscientiâ. Some
Praises come of good Wishes, and Respects, which is a Forme due in Ciuilitie
to Kings, and Great Persons, Laudando
præcipere; When by telling Men, what
they are, they represent to them, what
they should be. Some Men are Praised
Maliciously to their Hurt, therby to stirre
Enuie and Iealousie towards them; Pessimum genus Inimicorum laudantium; In so
much as it was a Prouerb, amongst the
Grecians; that, He that was praised to his
Hurt, should haue a Push rise vpon his Nose:
As we say; That a Blister will rise vpon
ones Tongue, that tell's a lye. Certainly Moderate Praise, vsed with Opportunity, and
not Vulgar, is that which doth the Good.
Salomon saith, He that praiseth his Frend aloud, Rising Early, it shall be to him, no better
then a Curse. Too much Magnifying of
Man or Matter, doth irritate Contradiction, and procure Enuie and Scorne. To
Praise a Mans selfe, cannot be Decent,
except it be in rare Cases: But to Praise a
Mans Office or Profession, he may doe it
with Good Grace, and with a Kinde of
Magnanimitie. The Cardinals of Rome,
which are Theologues, and Friars, and
Schoole-men, haue a Phrase of Notable
Contempt and Scorne, towards Ciuill Businesse: For they call all Temporall
Businesse, of Warres, Embassages, Iudicature,
& other Emploiments, Shirrerie; which is,
Vnder-Sheriffries; As if they were but matters for Vnder-Sheriffes and Catchpoles;
Though many times, those Vndersherifferies doe more good, then their High Speculations. S+t+. Paul, when he boasts of
himselfe, he doth oft enterlace; I speake
like a Foole; But speaking vf his Calling,
he saith; Magnificabo Apostolatum meum.
|
Of Vaine-Glory.
| 1 |
IT was prettily Deuised of
AEsope; The Fly sate vpon the Axle-tree of the
Chariot wheele, and said,
What a Dust doe I raise?
So are there some Vaine
Persons, that whatsoeuer goeth alone, or
moueth vpon greater Means, if they haue
neuer so little Hand in it, they thinke it is
they that carry it. They that are Glorious,
must needs be Factious; For all Brauery
stands vpon Comparisons. They must
needs be Violent, to make good their owne
Vaunts. Neither can they be Secret, and
therefore not Effectuall; but according
to the French Prouerb; Beaucoup de Bruit,
peu de Fruit: Much Bruit, little Fruit. Yet
certainly there is Vse of this Qualitie, in
Ciuill Affaires. Where there is an Opinion,
and Fame to be created, either of Vertue,
or Greatnesse, these Men are good Trumpetters. Again, as Titus Liuius noteth, in the
Case of Antiochus, and the AEtolians; There
are sometimes great Effects of Crosse Lies; As
if a Man, that Negotiates between Two
Princes, to draw them to ioyne in a Warre
against the Third, doth extoll the Forces
of either of them, aboue Measure, the One
to the Other: And sometimes, he that
deales between Man and Man, raiseth his
owne Credit, with Both, hy pretending
greater Interest, then he hath in Either.
And in these, and the like Kindes, it often
falls out, that Somewhat is produced of
Nothing: For Lies are sufficient to breed
Opinion, and Opinion brings on Substance. In Militar Commanders and Soldiers, Vaine-Glory is an Essentiall Point;
For as Iron sharpens Iron, so by Glory one
Courage sharpneth another. In Cases of
great Enterprise, vpon Charge and Aduenture, a Composition of Glorious Natures, doth put Life into Businesse; And
those that are of Solide and Sober
Natures, haue more of the Ballast, then of the
Saile. In Fame of Learning, the Flight
will be slow, without some Feathers of
Ostentation. Qui de contemnendâ Gloriâ
Libros scribunt, Nomen suum inscribunt.
Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, were Men full
of Ostentation. Certainly Vaine-Glory helpeth to Perpetuate a Mans Memory; And
Vertue was neuer so Beholding to Humane Nature, as it receiued his due at the
Second Hand. Neither had the Fame of
Cicero, Seneca, Plinius Secundus, borne her
Age so well, if it had not been ioyned,
with some Vanity in themselues: Like vnto Varnish, that makes Seelings not onely
Shine, but Last. But all this while, when
I speake of Vaine-Glory, I meane not of
that Property, that Tacitus doth attribute
to Mucianus; Omnium, quæ dixerat, feceratque, Arte quadam Ostentator: For that proceeds not of Vanity, but of Naturall Magnanimity, and discretion: And in some
Persons, is not onely Comely, but Gracious. For Excusations, Cessions, Modesty
it selfe well Gouerned, are but Arts of
Ostentation. And amongst those Arts,
there is none better, then that which Plinius Secundus speaketh of; which is to be
Liberall of Praise and Commendation to
others, in that, wherein a Mans Selfe hath
any Perfection. For saith Pliny very Wittily; In commending Another, you doe your
selfe right: For he that you Commend, is either Superiour to you, in that you Commend,
or Inferiour. If he be Inferiour, if he be to
be Commended, you much more: If he be Superiour, if he be not to be commended, you
much lesse. Glorious Men are the Scorne of
Wise Men; the Admiration of Fooles; the
Idols of Parasites; And the Slaues of their
own Vaunts.
|
Of Honour and Reputation.
| 1 |
THe Winning of Honour, is
but the Reuealing of a
Mans Vertue and Worth,
without Disaduantage. For
some in their Actions, doe
Wooe and affect Honour, and Reputation:
Which Sort of Men, are commonly much
Talked of, but inwardly little Admired.
And some, contrariwise, darken their Vertue, in the Shew of it; So as they be vnder-ualued in opinion. If a Man performe
that which hath not beene attempted before; Or attempted & giuen ouer; Or hath
beene atchieued, but not with so good
Circumstance; he shall purchase more
Honour, then by Effecting a Matter of
greater Difficulty, or Vertue, wherein he
is but a Follower. If a Man so temper
his Actions, as in some one of them, hee
doth content euerie Faction, or Combination of People, the Musicke will bee the
fuller. A man is an ill Husband of his Honour, that entreth into any Action, the
Failing wherein may disgrace him more,
them the Carying of it through can Honor
him. Honour, that is gained and broken
vpon Another, hath the quickest Reflection; Like Diamonds cut with Fascets.
And therefore, let a Man contend, to excell any Competitors of his in Honour, in
Out-shooting them, if he can, in their
owne Bowe. Discreet Followers and Seruants helpe much to Reputation. Omnis
Fama à Domesticis emanat. Enuy, which
is the Canker of Honour, is best extinguished, by declaring a Mans Selfe, in his
Ends, rather to seeke Merit, then Fame:
And by Attributing a Mans Successes, rather to diuine Prouidence and Felicity,
then to his owne Vertue or Policy. The
true Marshalling of the Degrees of Soueraigne Honour are these. In the First Place
are Conditores Imperiorum; Founders of
States, and Common-Wealths: Such as were
Romulus, Cyrus, Cæsar, Ottoman, Ismael. In
the Second Place are Legis-latores, Lawgiuers; which are also called, Second
Founders, or Perpetui Principes, because
they Gouerne by their Ordinances, after
they are gone: Such were Lycurgus, Solon,
Iustinian, Eadgar, Alphonsus of Castile, the
Wise, that made the Siete Partidas. In the
Third Place, are Liberatores, or Saluatores:
Such as compound the long Miseries of
Ciuill Warres, or deliuer their Countries
from Seruitude of Strangers, or Tyrants;
As Augustus Cæsar, Vespasianus, Aurelianus,
Theodoricus, K. Henry the 7. of England,
K. Henry the 4. of France. In the Fourth
Place, are Propagatores or Propugnatores
Imperij; Such as in Honourable Warres
enlarge their Territories, or make Noble
defence against Inuaders. And in the
Last Place, are Patres Patricæ; which reigne
iustly, & make the Times good, wherein
they liue. Both which last Kindes, need no
Examples, they are in such Number. Degrees of Honour in Subiects are; First ,
Participes Curarum; Those vpon whom Princes doe discharge the greatest Weight of
their Affaires; Their Right Hands, as we
call them. The Next are, Duces Belli, Great
Leaders; Such as are Princes Lieutenants,
and doe them Notable Seruices in the
Warres. The Third are, Gratiosi; Fauourites; Such as exceed not this Scantling;
To be Solace to the Soueraigne, and
Harmelesse to the People. And the
Fourth, Negotijs pares; Such as haue great
Places vnder Princes, and execute their
Places with Sufficiency. There is an Honour likewise, which may be ranked amongst the Greatest, which happeneth
rarely: That is, of such as Sacrifice them-
selues, to Death or Danger, for the Good of
their Countrey: As was M. Regulus, and
the Two Decij.
|
Of Iudicature.
| 1 |
IVdges ought to remember, that their Office
is Ius dicere, and not
Ius dare; To Interpret
Law, and not to Make
Law, or Giue Law. Else
will it be like the Authority, claimed by
the Church of Rome; which vnder pretext of Exposition of Scripture, doth not
sticke to Adde and Alter; And to Pronounce that, which they doe not Finde;
And by Shew of Antiquitie, to introduce
Noueltie. Iudges ought to be more Learned, then Wittie; More Reuerend, then
Plausible; And more Aduied, then Confident. Aboue all Things, Integritie is
their Portion, and Proper Vertue. Cursed
( saith the Law ) is hee that remoueth the
Land-marke. The Mislaier of a Meere
Stone is to blame. But it is the Vniust
Iudge, that is the Capitall Remouer of
Land-markes, when he Defineth amisse
of Lands and Propertie. One Foule Sentence, doth more Hurt, then many Foule
Examples. For these doe but Corrupt the
Streame; The other Corrupteth the Fountaine. So saith Salomon; Fons turbatus, &
Vena corrupta, est Iustus cadens in causâ suâ
coram Aduersario. The Office of Iudges,
may haue Reference, Vnto the Parties
that sue; Vnto the Aduocates that Plead;
Vnto the Clerkes and Ministers of Iustice
vnderneath them; And to the Soueraigne
or State aboue them.
|
| 2 |
First, for the Causes or Parties that Sue.
There be ( saith the Scripture ) that turne
Iudgement into Worme-wood; And surely,
there be also, that turne it into Vinegar;
for Iniustice maketh it Bitter, and Delaies
make it Soure. The Principall Dutie of a
Iudge, is to suppresse Force and Fraud;
whereof Force is the more Pernicious,
when it is Open; And Fraud, when it is
Close and Disguised. Adde thereto
Contentious Suits, which ought to be spewed
out, as the Surfet of Courts. A Iudge
ought to prepare his Way to a Iust Sentence, as God vseth to prepare his Way, by
Raising Valleys, and Taking downe Hills:
So when there appeareth on either side, an
High Hand; Violent Prosecution, Cunning Aduantages taken, Combination,
Power, Great Counsell, then is the Vertue
of a Iudge seene, to make Inequalitie Equall; That he may plant his Iudgement,
as vpon an Euen Ground. Qui fortitèr
emungit, elicit sanguinem; And where the
Wine-Presse is hard wrought, it yeelds a
harsh Wine, that tastes of the Grapestone. Iudges must beware of Hard Constructions, and Strained Inferences; For
there is no Worse Torture, then the Torture of Lawes. Specially in case of Lawes
Penall, they ought to haue Care, that that
which was meant for Terrour, be not turned into Rigour; And that they bring not
vpon the People, that Shower, whereof
the Scripture speaketh; Pluet super eos Laqueos: For Penall Lawes Pressed, are a
Shower of Snares vpon the People. Therefore, let Penall Lawes, if they haue beene
Sleepers of long, or if they be growne
vnfit for the present Time, be by Wise
Iudges confined in the Execution; Iudicis
Officium est, vt Res, ita Tempora Rerum,
&c. In Causes of Life and Death; Iudges
ought ( as farre as the Law permitteth ) in
Iustice to remember Mercy; And to Cast
a Seuere Eye vpon the Example, but a
Mercifull Eye vpon the Person.
|
| 3 |
Secondly, for the Aduocates and Counsell that Plead: Patience and Grauitie of
Hearing, is an Essentiall Part of Iustice;
And an Ouer-speaking Iudge is no well tuned Cymball. It is no Grace to a Iudge, first
to finde that, which hee might haue
heard, in due time, from the Barre; or to
shew Quicknesse of Conceit in Cutting
off Euidence or Counsell too short; Or
to preuent Information, by Questions
though Pertinent. The Parts of a Iudge
in Hearing are Foure: To direct the Euidence; To Moderate Length, Repetition,
or Impertinency of Speech; To
Recapitulate, Select, and Collate, the Materiall
Points of that, which hath beene said;
And to Giue the Rule or Sentence. Whatsoeuer is aboue these, is too much; And
proceedeth, Either of Glory and willingnesse to Speake; Or of Impatience to
Heare; Or of Shortnesse of Memorie; Or
of Want of a Staid and Equall Attention.
It is a Strange Thing to see, that the Boldnesse of Aduocates, should preuaile with
Iudges; Whereas they should imitate God,
in whose Seat they sit; who represseth the
Presumptuous, and giueth Grace to the Modest. But it is more Strange, that Iudges
should haue Noted Fauourites; Which
cannot but Cause Multiplication of Fees,
and Suspicion of By-waies. There is due
from the Iudge, to the Aduocate, some
Commendation and Gracing, where Causes are well Handled, and faire Pleaded;
Especially towards the Side which obtaineth not; For that vpholds, in the Client,
the Reputation of his Counsell, and beats
downe, in him, the Conceit of his Cause.
There is likewise due to the Publique, a
Ciuill Reprehension of Aduocates, where
there appeareth Cunning Counsel, Grosse
Neglect, Slight Information, Indiscreet
Pressing, or an Ouer-bold Defence. And
let not the Counsell at the Barre, chop with
the Iudge, nor winde himselfe into the
handling of the Cause anew, after the Iudge
hath Declared his Sentence: But on the
other side, Let not the Iudge meet the
Cause halfe Way; Nor giue Occasion to
the Partie to say; His Counsell or Proofes
were not heard.
|
| 4 |
Thirdly, for that that concernes Clerks,
and Ministers. The Place of Iustice, is an
Hallowed Place; And therefore, not only
the Bench, but the Foot-pace, and Precincts, and Purprise thereof, ought to be
preserued without Scandall and Corruption. For certainly, Grapes, ( as the Scripture saith ) will not be gathered of Thornes or
Thistles: Neither can Iustice yeeld her
Fruit with Sweetnesse, amongst the Briars
and Brambles, of Catching and Poling
Clerkes and Ministers. The Attendance of
Courts is subiect to Foure bad
Instruments. First, Certaine Persons, that are
Sowers of Suits; which make the Court
swell, and the Country pine. The Second
Sort is of those, that ingage Courts, in
Quarells of Iurisdiction, and are not truly
Amici Curiæ, but Parasiti Curiæ; in puffing
a Court vp beyond her Bounds, for their
owne Scraps, and Aduantage. The Third
Sort is of those, that may be accounted,
the Left Hands of Courts; Persons that
are full of Nimble and Sinister Trickes
and Shifts, whereby they peruert the
Plaine and Direct Courses of Courts, and
bring Iustice into Oblique Lines and Labyrinths. And the Fourth is, the Poler and
Exacter of Fees; which iustifies the Common Resemblance of the Courts of Iustice,
to the Bush, whereunto while the Sheepe
flies for defence in Wether, hee is sure to
loose Part of his Fleece. On the other side,
an Ancient Clerke, skilfull in Presidents,
Wary in Proceeding, and Vnderstanding
in the Businesse of the Court, is an excellent
Finger of a Court; And doth many times
point the way to the Iudge himselfe.
|
| 5 |
Fourthly, for that which may concerne the Soueraigne and Estate. Iudges
ought aboue all to remember the Conclusion of the Roman Twelue Tables;
Salus Populi Suprema Lex; And to know,
that Lawes, except they bee in Order
to that End, are but Things Captious,
and Oracles not well Inspired. Therefore it is an Happie Thing in a State,
when Kings and States doe often Consult with Iudges; And againe, when
Iudges doe often Consult with the
King and State: The one, when there
is Matter of Law, interuenient in Businesse of State; The other, when there
is some Consideration of State, interuenient in Matter of Law. For many
times, the Things Deduced to Iudgement, may bee Meum
and Tuum, when
the Reason and Consequence thereof,
may Trench to Point of Estate: I call
Matter of Estate, not onely the parts
of Soueraigntie, but whatsoeuer introduceth any Great Alteration, or Dangerous president; Or Concerneth
manifestly any great Portion of People. And
let no Man weakly conceiue, that Iust
Laws, and True Policie, haue any Antipathie: For they are like the Spirits, and Sinewes, that One moues with the Other.
Let Iudges also remember, that Salomons
Throne, was supported by Lions, on both
Sides; Let them be Lions, but yet Lions
vnder the Throne; Being circumspect,
that they doe not checke, or oppose any
Points of Soueraigntie. Let not Iudges
also, be so Ignorant of their owne Right,
as to thinke, there is not left to them, as a
Principall Part of their Office, a Wise Vse,
and application of Lawes. For they may
remember, what the Apostle saith, of a
Greater Law, then theirs; Nos scimus quia
Lex bona est, modò quis eâ vtatur Legitimè.
|
Of Anger.
| 1 |
TO seeke to extinguish Anger
vtterly, is but a Brauery of
the Stoickes. We haue better Oracles: Be Angry, but
Sinne not. Let not the Sunne
goe downe vpon your Anger. Anger must
be limited, and confined, both in Race,
and in Time. We will first speake, How
the Naturall Inclination, and Habit , To
be Angry, may be attempred, and calmed.
Secondly, How the Particular Motions
of Anger, may be repressed, or at least refrained from doing Mischiefe. Thirdly,
How to raise Anger, or appease Anger, in
Another.
|
| 2 |
For the first; There is no other Way,
but to Meditate and Ruminate well, vpon the Effects of Anger, how it troubles
Mans Life. And the best Time, to doe
this, is, to looke backe vpon Anger, when
the Fitt is throughly ouer. Seneca saith
well; That Anger is like Ruine, which
breakes it Selfe, vpon that it falls. The
Scripture exhorteth vs; To possesse our
Soules in Patience. Whosoeuer is out of
Patience, is out of Possession of his Soule.
Men must not turne Bees;
--- Animasque in vulnere ponunt.
|
| 3 |
Anger is certainly a kinde of Basenesse:
As it appeares well, in the Weaknesse of
those Subiects, in whom it reignes: Children, Women, Old Folkes, Sicke Folkes.
Onely Men must beware, that they carry
their Anger, rather with Scorne, then with
Feare: So that they may seeme rather, to
be aboue the Iniury, then below it: which
is a Thing easily done, if a Man will giue
Law to himselfe
in it.
|
| 4 |
For the Second Point; The Causes and
Motiues of Anger, are chiefly three. First,
to be too Sensible of Hurt: For no Man
is Angry, that Feeles not himselfe Hurt:
And therefore Tender and Delicate Persons, must needs be oft Angry: They
haue so many Things to trouble them;
Which more Robust Natures haue little
Sense of. The next is, the Apprehension
and Construction, of the Iniury offred,
to be, in the Circumstances thereof, full
of Contempt. For Contempt is that which
putteth an Edge vpon Anger, as much, or
more, then the Hurt it selfe. And therefore, when Men are Ingenious, in picking out Circumstances of Contempt, they
doe kindle their Anger much. Lastly, Opinion of the Touch of a Mans Reputation, doth multiply and sharpen Anger.
Wherein the Remedy is, that a Man
should haue, as Consaluo was wont to say,
Team Honoris crassiorem. But in all Refrainings of Anger, it is the best Remedy
to win Time; And to make a Mans Selfe
beleeue, that the Opportunity of his Reuenge is not yet come: But that he foresees a Time for it; And so to still Himselfe
in the meane Time, and reserue it.
|
| 5 |
To containe Anger from Mischiefe,
though it take hold of a Man, there be
two Things, whereof you must haue
speciall Caution. The one, of extreme Bitternesse of Words; Especially, if they be Aculeate, and Proper: For Communia Maledicta are nothing so much: And againe,
that in Anger, a Man reueale no Secrets:
For that makes him not fit for Society.
The other, that you doe not peremptorily
breake off, in any Businesse, in a Fitt of Anger: But howsoeuer you shew Bitternes, do
not Act any thing, that is not Reuocable.
|
| 6 |
For Raising and Appeasing Anger in Another; It is done chiefly, by Choosing of
Times, When Men are frowardest and
worst disposed, to incense them. Againe,
by gathering ( as was touched before ) all
that you can finde out, to aggrauate the
Contempt. And the two Remedies are by
the Contraries. The Former, to take good
Times, when first to relate to a Man, an
Angry Businesse: For the first Impression
is much. And the other is, to seuer, as much
as may be, the Construction of the Iniury, from the Point of Contempt: Imputing
it, to Misunderstanding, Feare, Passion, or
what you will.
|
Of Vicissitude
of Things.
| 1 |
SALOMON saith; There is no
New Thing vpon the Earth.
So that as Plato had an Imagination; That all Knowledge
was but Remembrance: So Salomon giueth
his Sentence; That all Noueltie is but Obliuion. Whereby you may see, that the Riuer of Lethe, runneth as well aboue
Ground, as below. There is an abstruse
Astrologer that saith; If it were not, for
two things, that are Constant; ( The one is,
that the Fixed Starres euer stand at like distance, one from another, and neuer come
nearer together, nor goe further asunder;
The other, that the Diurnall Motion perpetually keepeth Time: ) No Indiuiduall would
last one Moment. Certain it is, that the
Matter, is in a Perpetuall Flux, and neuer at a
Stay. The great Winding-sheets, that burie all Things in Obliuion, are two; Deluges, and Earth-quakes. As for Confragrations, and great Droughts, they doe not
meerely dispeople, and destroy. Phaetons
Carre went but a day. And the Three
yeares Drought, in the time of Elias, was
but Particular, and left People Aliue. As
for the great Burnings by Lightnings,
which are often in the West Indies, they
are but narrow. But in the other two Destructions, by Deluge, and Earth-quake,
it is further to be noted, that the Remnant of People, which hap to be reserued,
are commonly Ignorant and Mountanous People, that can giue no Account, of
the Time past: So that the Obliuion is all
one, as if none had beene left. If you consider well, of the People of the West Indies,
it is very probable, that they are a Newer,
or a Younger People, then the People of
the Old World. And it is much more likely, that the Destruction, that hath heretofore been there, was not by Earth-quakes,
(As the AEgyptian Priest told Solon, concerning the Island of Atlantis; That it was
swallowed by an Earth-quake; ) But rather,
that it was desolated, by a Particular Deluge. For Earth-quakes are seldome in those
Parts. But on the other side, they haue
such Powring Riuers, as the Riuers of Asia,
and Affrick, and Europe, are but Brookes
to them. Their Andes likewise, or Mountaines, are farre higher, then those with
vs; Whereby it seemes, that the Remnants
of Generation of Men, were, in such a
Particular Deluge, saued. As for the Obseruation, that Macciauel hath, that the
Iealousie of Sects, doth much extinguish
the Memory of Things; Traducing Gregory the Great, that he did, what in him
lay, to extinguish all Heathen Antiquities; I doe not finde, that those Zeales, doe
any great Effects, nor last long: As it appeared in the Succession of Sabinian, who
did reuiue the former Antiquities.
|
| 2 |
The Vicissitude or Mutations, in the
Superiour Globe, are no fit Matter, for this
present Argument. It may be, Plato's great
Yeare, if the World should last so long,
would haue some Effect; Not in renewing
the State of like Indiuiduals ( for that is the
Fume of those, that conceiue the Celestiall Bodies, haue more accurate Influences,
vpon these Things below, then indeed
they haue ) but in grosse. Comets, out of
question, haue likewise Power and Effect,
ouer the Grosse and Masse of Things: But
they are rather gazed vpon, and waited
vpon in their Iourney, then wisely obserued in their Effects; Specially in their Respectiue Effects; That is, what Kinde of
Comet, for Magnitude, Colour, Version of
the Beames, Placing in the Region of
Heauen, or Lasting, produceth what
Kinde of Effects.
|
| 3 |
There is a Toy, which I haue heard,
and I would not haue it giuen ouer, but
waited vpon a little. They say, it is obserued, in the Low Countries ( I know not in
what Part ) that Euery Fiue and Thirtie
years, The same Kinde and Sute of Years
and Weathers, comes about againe: As
Great Frosts, Great Wet, Great Droughts,
Warme Winters, Summers with little
Heat, and the like: And they call it the
Prime. It is a Thing, I doe the rather mention, because computing backwards, I
haue found some Concurrence.
|
| 4 |
But to leaue these Points of Nature, and
to come to Men. The greatest Vicissitude
of Things amongst Men, is the Vicissitude
of Sects, and Religions. For those Orbs
rule in Mens Minds most. The True Religion is built vpon the Rocke; The Rest
are tost vpon the Waues of Time. To
speake therefore, of the Causes of New
Sects; And to giue some Counsell concerning them; As farre, as the Weaknesse of
Humane Iudgement, can giue stay to so
great Reuolutions.
|
| 5 |
When the Religion formerly receiued,
is rent by Discords; And when the Holinesse of the Professours of Religion is decayed, and full of Scandall; And withall
the Times be Stupid, Ignorant, and Barbarous; you may doubt the Springing
vp of a New Sect; If then also there should
arise, any Extrauagant and Strange Spirit,
to make himselfe Authour thereof. All
which Points held, when Mahomet published his Law. If a New Sect haue not
two Properties, feare it not: For it will
not spread. The one is, the Supplanting,
or the opposing, of Authority established: For Nothing is more Popular then
that. The other is, the Giuing Licence to
Pleasures, and a Voluptuous Life. For as
for Speculatiue Heresies (such as were in
Ancient Times the Arrians, and now the
Arminians) though they worke mightily
vpon Mens Wits, yet they doe not produce any great Alterations in States; except it be by the Helpe of Ciuill Occasions. There be three Manner of Plantations of New Sects. By the Power of
Signes and Miracles: By the Eloquence and
Wisedome of Speech and Perswasion: And
by the Sword. For Martyrdomes, I reckon
them amongst Miracles; Because they
seeme to exceed, the Strength of Human
Nature: And I may doe the like of Superlatiue and Admirable Holinesse of Life.
Surely, there is no better Way, to stop the
Rising of New Sects, and Schismes; then
To reforme Abuses; To compound the
smaller Differences; To proceed mildly,
and not with Sanguinary Persecutions;
And rather to take off the principall Authours, by Winning and Aduancing them,
then to enrage them by Violence and
Bitternesse.
|
| 6 |
The Changes and Vicissitude in Warres
are many: But chiefly in three Things;
In the Seats or Stages of the Warre; In
the Weapons; And in the Manner of the
Conduct. Warres in ancient Time, seemed
more to moue from East to West: For
the Persians, Assyrians, Arabians, Tartars,
( which were the Inuaders ) were all Easterne People. It is true, the Gaules were
Westerne; But we reade but of two Incursions of theirs; The one to Gallo-Grecia, the other to Rome. But East and West
haue no certaine Points of Heauen: And
no more haue the Warres, either from the
East, or West, any Certainty of Obseruation. But North and South are fixed: And
it hath seldome or neuer been seene, that
the farre Southern People haue inuaded
the Northern, but contrariwise. Whereby it is manifest, that the Northern Tract
of the World, is in Nature the more Martiall Region: Be it, in respect of the Stars
of that Hemisphere; Or of the great Continents that are vpon the North, whereas
the South Part, for ought that is knowne,
is almost all Sea; Or ( which is most apparent) of the Cold of the Northern Parts,
which is that, which without Aid of Discipline, doth make the Bodies hardest, and
the Courages warmest.
|
| 7 |
Vpon the Breaking and Shiuering of a
great State and Empire, you may be sure
to haue Warres. For great Empires, while
they stand, doe eneruate and destroy the
Forces of the Natiues, which they haue
subdued, resting vpon their owne Protecting Forces: And then when they faile
also, all goes to ruine, and they become a
Prey. So was it, in the Decay of the Roman Empire; And likewise, in the Empire
of Almaigne, after Charles the Great, euery
Bird taking a Fether; And were not
vnlike to befall to Spaine, if it should break.
The great Accessions and Vnions of Kingdomes, doe likewise stirre vp Warres. For
when a State growes to an Ouer-power,
it is like a great Floud, that will be sure to
ouerflow. As it hath been seene, in the
States of Rome, Turky, Spaine, and others.
Looke when the World hath fewest Barbarous Peoples, but such as commonly
will not marry or generate, except they
know meanes to liue; ( As it is almost euery where at this day, except Tartary)
there is no Danger of Inundations of
People: But when there be great Shoales
of People, which goe on to populate, without foreseeing Meanes of Life and Sustentation, it is of Necessity, that once in an
Age or two, they discharge a Portion of
their People vpon other Nations: Which
the ancient Northern People, were wont
to doe by Lot: Casting Lots, what Part
should stay at home, and what should
seeke their Fortunes. When a Warre-like
State growes Soft and Effeminate, they
may be sure of a Warre. For commonly
such States are growne rich, in the time of
their Degenerating; And so the Prey inuiteth, and their Decay in Valour encourageth a Warre.
|
| 8 |
As for the Weapons, it hardly falleth vnder Rule and Obseration: yet we see, euen they haue Returnes and Vicissitudes.
For certain it is, that Ordnance was known
in the Citty of the Oxidrakes in India;
And was that, which the Macedonians
called Thunder and Lightning, and Magicke. And it is well knowne, that the
vse of Ordnance hath been in China, aboue 2000. yeares. The Conditions of
Weapons, & their Improuement are; First,
The Fetching a farre off: For that outruns
the Danger: As it is seene in Ordnance and
Muskets. Secondly, the Strength of the
Percussion; wherin likewise Ordnance doe
exceed all Arietations, and ancient Inuentions. The third is, the commodious vse
of them: As that they may serue in all Wethers; That the Carriage may be Light
and Manageable; and the like.
|
| 9 |
For the Conduct of the Warre: At the
first, Men rested extremely vpon Number: They did put the Warres likewise
vpon Maine Force, and Valour; Pointing
Dayes for Pitched Fields, and so trying it
out, vpon an euen Match: And they were
more ignorant in Ranging and Arraying
their Battailes. After they grew to rest vpon Number, rather Competent, then Vast:
They grew to Aduantages, of Place, Cunning Diuersions, and the like: And they
grew more skilful in the Ordering of their
Battailes.
|
| 10 |
In the Youth of a State, Armes doe
flourish: In the Middle Age of a State,
Learning; And then both of them together for a time: In the Declining Age of a
State, Mechanicall Arts and Merchandize.
Learning hath his Infancy, when it is but
beginning, and almost Childish: Then
his Youth, when it is Luxuriant and Iuuenile: Then his Strength of yeares, when it
is Solide and Reduced: And lastly, his
old Age, when it waxeth Dry and Exhaust. But it is not good, to looke too
long, vpon these turning Wheeles of
Vicissitude, lest we become Giddy. As for
the Philology of them, that is but
a Circle of Tales, and therefore not fit for this
Writing.
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| 11 |
FINIS.
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