by Charles Victor Barber World
Resources Institute
Notes
Thomas Homer-Dixon, "Environmental Scarcities and Violent Conflict:
Evidence from Cases," International Security 19, no. 1 (summer
1994), pp. 5-40; Thomas Homer-Dixon, J.H. Boutwell, and G.W. Rathjens, "Environmental
Change and Violent Conflict: Growing Scarcities of Renewable Resources can
Contribute to Social Instability and Civil Strife," Scientific American
(February 1993), pp. 38-45.
Thomas Homer-Dixon, "Some Preliminary Ideas Regarding Causal Links
Between Environmental Scarcity, State Capacity and Civil Violence,"
(Unpublished manuscript, University of Toronto: Project on Environmental
Scarcities, State Capacity, and Civil Violence, Trudeau Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Toronto and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1994), p. 2.
Thomas Homer-Dixon, "The Ingenuity Gap: Can Poor Countries Adapt to
Resource Scarcity?," Population and Development Review 21, no. 3
(September 1995), pp. 587-612.
Joel Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations
and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1988), p. 19.
Homer-Dixon, "Some Preliminary Ideas," p. 1.
In the Philippines, for example, any analysis of the state that does not
address the very strong role of NGOs would be seriously defective. As Goertzen
notes, "To an extent greater than anywhere else in the region, so-called
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have taken over from the government the
work of improving the lot of the poor majority, through political, cultural, and
economic programmes. The irony of their success is that even the government
seems happy to see NGOs assume part of its functions" (D. Goertzen, "Agents
for Change: NGOs Take the Lead in the Development Process," Far Eastern
Economic Review [August 8, 1991], pp. 20-22).
B. Rich, Mortgaging the Earth: The World Bank, Environmental
Impoverishment, and the Crisis of Development (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994),
pp. 189-199; R.F. Mikesell and L.F. Williams, International Banks and the
Environment. From Growth to Sustainability: An Unfinished Agenda (San
Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1992), pp. 32-33.
Thomas Homer-Dixon, personal communication (January 15, 1996);
Homer-Dixon, "Environmental Scarcities and Violent Conflict," and
Thomas Homer-Dixon, personal communication (November 26, 1994).
World Bank, Indonesia: Stability, Growth and Equity in Repelita VI
(Washington D.C.: Report No. 12857-IND, 1994), p. vii.
See, for example, M.M. Cernea, Putting People First: Sociological
Variables in Rural Development, Second Edition (Oxford: Oxford University
Press and the World Bank, 1991); World Commission on Environment and Development
(WCED), Our Common Future (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).
Rich, Mortgaging the Earth, pp. 182-199.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review (Draft, Jakarta,
1993), p. 18..
World Bank, Indonesia: Environment and Development: Challenges for the
Future (Washington D.C.: Report No. 12083-IND, 1994), pp. 14-15.
Booth states that these calculations are based on the government's
official poverty line, which is very low compared to those used in neighboring
countries (A. Booth, "Repelita VI and the Second Long-Term Development
Plan," Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 30, no. 3 [December
1994], pp. 3-39 at 36). The World Bank points out that many Indonesians are only
slightly above this poverty line (and would thus be counted as poor in
neighboring countries, according to Booth), vulnerable to even a small decline
in their economic circumstances (World Bank, Indonesia Poverty Assessment
and Strategy Report [Washington D.C., 1990], p. 13). All observers -- as
well as the government -- agree that poverty reduction has been geographically
uneven, with substantial advances on Java offset by considerable remaining
pockets of poverty in other areas, particularly in Eastern Indonesia (The
Government of Indonesia [GOI], Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam:
1994/95 - 1998/99, Chapter Nine [Sixth Five-Year Development Plan: 1994/95 -
1998/99], pp. 58-66). Booth concludes, though, that even allowing for these
qualifications, "few dispute the magnitude of Indonesia's achievement over
the last 25 years in reducing the extent of destitution, especially in Java"
(Booth, "Repelita VI," p. 36).
Jones concludes that "one of the most significant achievements of the
New Order regime has been the expansion of education to the point where
universal primary education has been almost attained; this also means that
illiteracy has almost disappeared among the younger population" (G.W.
Jones, "Labor Force and Education," in Indonesia's New Order: The
Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed. H. Hill [St. Leonards,
Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994], p. 161). Booth agrees that substantial
progress has been made, but argues that primary schools still have "major
problems." Many buildings are in poor repair, teaching materials are
inadequate, the poorly paid teachers lack the motivation to devote their
attention to the curriculum, or to even show up at school on a regular basis in
many cases (Booth, "Repelita VI," p. 31).
World Bank, Indonesia: Environment and Development, p. 11.
Numbering only 4-5 million, Indonesia's ethnic Chinese wield economic
power far beyond their numbers, but are the target of widespread popular
suspicion and discrimination. The top Chinese-Indonesian businessmen without
doubt are the wealthiest in the country, but they cannot transform their
economic power into political influence except through personalistic connections
with the authorities. Smaller ethnic Chinese businessmen, meanwhile, are
constant targets for bribery demands from low level officials. Whether big or
small, "political vulnerability as members of an unpopular minority leaves
them in a precarious position which constrains their ability to alter this
situation much" (J. Mackie and A. MacIntyre, "Politics," in Indonesia's
New Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed. H. Hill [St.
Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994], pp. 1-53 at 33).
"And Then the Children: Alleged Privileges Under Public Scrutiny,"
Indonesian Business Weekly 10 (July 24, 1995), pp. 10-11; A. Schwarz,
A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s (St. Leonards, Australia,
Allen and Unwin, 1994), pp. 146-147; T. Clifton, "Suharto's Legacy,"
Newsweek (July 4, 1994), pp. 6-9. After Newsweek's Asia edition
published Clifton's cover story on the Soeharto family's business activities in
July 1994, the magazine was indefinitely banned by the government ("And
Then the Children," Indonesian Business Weekly, 1995).
S. Berfield and K. Loveard, "Suharto Under Fire," Asia Week
(August 19, 1996), p. 17. According to Newsweek, when Soeharto was shown
a leaflet for a Megawati speech accusing him of "tyranny," he "exploded
[and] ordered his military to quash the forum and expel Megawati's supporters"
(R. Moreau and T. Emerson, "People Power," Newsweek [August
12, 1996], pp. 20-24 at 20).
J. McBeth and M. Cohen, "Streets of Fire: The government responds
with an old-fashioned crackdown as the worst riots in decades rack the Suharto
regime and investors redo their political-risk calculations," Far
Eastern Economic Review (August 8, 1996), p. 14.
In Soeharto's view, the riots were nothing more than a resurgence of the
banned Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) which has always been his
justification for harsh political measures. In a briefing for skeptical foreign
diplomats in early August, according to one invitee, "the whole thing was
communist, communist, communist and it didn't go much beyond that" (J.
McBeth, "Hunting Season: The government goes searching for alleged
subversives in a thinly disguised bid to nip the nascent democracy movement
growing around ousted PDI leader Megawati," Far Eastern Economic Review
[August 15, 1996], p. 14).
Entering Indonesia through the Medan (Sumatra) airport in late August
1996, the author's bags were meticulously searched -- the first time in dozens
of visits to Indonesia over eighteen years -- and multiple copies of two
environmental policy reports were scrutinized by customs officials at length,
presumably for subversive content, while another official grilled the author on
what the reports were about.
The Far Eastern Economic Review quoted army sources as saying that
many colonels and brigadier generals were privately appalled at the government's
response to the PDI situation. "They think the old man has lost his touch,"
said one. "The government is using an atomic bomb to kill a fly. Where's
all the old finesse, where's all the delicate maneuvering?" (McBeth and
Cohen, "Streets of Fire," p. 14).
World Bank, Indonesia: Improving Efficiency and Equity -- Changes in
the Public Sectors Role (Washington DC: 1995); World Bank, Indonesia:
Environment and Development.
Homer-Dixon, "The Ingenuity Gap," p. 590.
McBeth, "Hunting Season."
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 8
A.B. Nasution, The Aspiration for Constitutional Government in
Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Study of the Indonesian Contituante 1956-1959
(Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1992), p. 412, as cited in Schwarz, A
Nation in Waiting, p. 9.
R.W. Liddle, "Indonesia's Democratic Past and Future," Comparative
Politics 24, no. 4 (July 1992), p. 449, as cited in Schwarz, A Nation in
Waiting, p. 10.
B. Anderson, "Elections and Democratisation in Southeast Asia:
Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia," a lecture broadcast on the Indian
Pacific program of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, and published in
ABC Radio 24 Hours (September 1992), p. 58, as cited in Schwarz, A
Nation in Waiting, p. 11.
M.C. Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia (London: The
MacMillan Press, 1981), pp. 236-237.
Ibid, p. 238.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 16
Santri refers to more purist followers of Islam, in contrast to the abangan
group, which is generally of a poorer socioeconomic class and practices a more
syncretic Islam, with many elements of Javanese mysticism (C. Geertz, The
Religion of Java [Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1960], pp. 121-130).
J. Bresnan, Managing Indonesia: The Modern Political Economy (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 19-20.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 15
Dwfungsi has in the 1990s found an appreciative audience in the Burmese
military. Searching for a way to maintain power and international acceptance, in
the wake of the release from house arrest of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi,
senior Burmese generals are said to be strongly attracted to the Indonesian
model (J. McBeth and B. Lintner, "Model State: Burma's Generals Want
Indonesian-Style Politics," Far Eastern Economic Review [August 17,
1995], p. 27).
In 1958, the Sukarno government nationalized Dutch companies in
retaliation for their stance on West Irian, and numerous British and American
companies as part of Konfrontasi. As a result of these nationalization measures,
some 800 firms came under government control.
One widely cited 1966 analysis concludes that the coup was largely the
result of internal army divisions with little if any PKI involvement (B.
Anderson and R. McVey, A Preliminary Analysis of the October 1, 1965 Coup in
Indonesia [Ithaca, NY: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1971]). A number of
leftist analyses ascribe an important role to the US government, particularly
the CIA (see, for example, P. D. Scott, "Exporting Military-Economic
Development -- America and the Overthrow of Sukarno, 1965-67," in Ten
Years' Military Terror in Indonesia, ed. M. Caldwell [Nottingham, UK:
Spokesman Books, 1975], pp. 209-264). The New Order regime, meanwhile has long
maintained that the Chinese Communists played a significant role in assisting
the PKI, and broke diplomatic relations with China for decades on this basis
(see Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, pp. 24-25). One school of thought
assigns a shadowy role to Soeharto himself in orchestrating, or at least having
prior knowledge of, the coup attempt.
M.R.J. Vatakiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto (London:
Routledge, 1994), p. 2.
Central Intelligence Agency, Intelligence Report: Indonesia 1965, The
Coup that Backfired (Washington DC, 1968), p. 71, as cited in Schwarz, A
Nation in Waiting, p. 20. Indeed, the anti-PKI killings attracted relatively
little international attention or condemnation. Time magazine went as
far as to call the slaughter "The West's best news for years in Asia"
("Vengeance With a Smile," Time [July 15, 1966], p. 26, as
cited in Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 22).
The commander of the paratrooper unit sent to Central Java, Sarwo Edhie,
later admitted that "In Solo, we gathered together the youth, the
nationalist groups, and the religious organizations. We gave them two or three
days training, then sent them out to kill the communists" (H. McDonald,
Suharto's Indonesia [Blackburn, Australia: Fontana, 1980], p. 52).
Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, pp. 14-15.
R. Cribb, "Problems in the Historiography of the Killings in
Indonesia," The Indonesian Killings, 1965-1966: Studies from Java and
Bali, ed. R. Cribb (Clayton: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, 1990), pp.
3 and 21, as cited in Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 21.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, pp. 22-23.
Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, p. 43.
Like the 30 September coup, the events leading up to the issuance of Supersemar
are still murky. The army had been outraged by the appointment of a new cabinet
on 21 February in which they saw their influence diminished and a number of
pro-PKI ministers retained. The full cabinet met on 11 March (absent Soeharto,
pleading a sore throat) with students demonstrating outside. Sukarno received a
note shortly into the meeting saying that unidentified troops were assembling
outside, and promptly fled by helicopter to his retreat in Bogor, in the hills
outside Jakarta. Major General Amir Machmud then left the meeting to tell
Soeharto what had happened. Soeharto and the army firmly deny to this day that
they drafted Supersemar and pressured Sukarno to sign it, wanting to
avoid any appearance of a military take-over. The actual letter emerged from a
meeting between Sukarno and three generals (including Machmud) dispatched by
Soeharto to, in Machmud's words, reassure Sukarno that "the army could keep
the situation under control if given the full confidence of the President"
(Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 25).
H. Crouch, The Army and Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1978), as cited in Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p.
26.
Soeharto, My Thoughts, Words and Deeds: An Autobiography (Jakarta:
Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada, 1991), p. 148.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 20. Only in August 1995, in
conjunction with Indonesia's Fiftieth Independence Day celebration, did Soeharto
finally announce that the "ET" stamp (short for "Ex-Tapol,"
meaning Ex-Political Prisoner) on the national identity cards of 1.3 million
citizens branded as somehow "involved" with the communists and their
alleged coup would be removed. Those branded with the ET stamp and their
families have found it hard to get government jobs or bank loans ("Indonesia:
End to Blacklist," Far Eastern Economic Review [August 17, 1995],
p. 13). In 1996, however, Soeharto once again blamed -- and arrested -- alleged
communists for the July riots over leadership of the Indonesian Democratic
Party, as noted in Section I.
Soeharto himself states in his autobiography (Soeharto, My Thoughts,
Words and Deeds, as cited in Vatakiotis, Indonesian Politics Under
Suharto, p. 9) referring to this receipt in 1985 of an FAO award for
attaining self-sufficiency in rice: "Imagine someone who more than sixty
years ago was a child bathing in the mud, leading a peasant's life in Kemusuk
village, stepping up to the podium and delivering a speech in front of assembled
world experts, as a leader who had just solved the most important issue for 160
million mouths."
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 22.
Real per capita GDP actually shrunk in 1960-65 (see Hill, "The
Economy," in Indonesia's New Order, p. 57) and by 1965 annual
inflation was running at 500 percent, while the price of rice was rising at an
annual rate of 900 percent. In the course of that one year, the black market
Rupiah/Dollar rate plunged from 5,100 to 50,000 (Ricklefs, A History of
Modern Indonesia, p. 268). Foreign exchange receipts from plantations, one
of the most important export sectors, declined from $442 million in 1958 to $330
million in 1966. (Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 18). Oil production
stagnated. "Economic deprivation was now widespread in the society, and for
many had reached a severity unknown since the years of wartime occupation"
(Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, p. 52). Compounding the crisis, parts of
Java and Bali experienced the worst drought in living memory in the last months
of 1963 and early 1964: Reuters reported in early 1964 that one million people
were starving in Central Java alone (Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, p.
19).
Vatakiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto, p. 4.
World Bank, Indonesia: Stability, Growth and Equity in Repelita VI,
p. vii.
When a debate between Minister Habibie and the Minister of Finance over
the amount of state funds to be allocated to the former's ambitious project to
refit ex-East German Navy vessels and expand harbors spilled into the press in
mid-1994, Soeharto responded in June by banning three leading news weeklies,
including Tempo, the nation's premier magazine of business and politics.
And the loan of $190 million from the national reforestation fund (discussed in
Section III) made by Soeharto to Habibie's state aircraft concern occasioned an
NGO lawsuit against the president -- and a great deal of international publicity
and public debate.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 53.
Ibid.
M. Pangestu and I.J. Azis, "Survey of Recent Developments," Bulletin
of Indonesian Economic Studies 30, no. 2 (August 1994): 3-47 at 24-25;
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, pp. 133-161.
Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, p. 73.
Vatakiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto, pp. 43-45.
R.W. Liddle, "The Relative Autonomy of the Third World Politician:
Soeharto and Indonesian Economic Development in Comparative Perspective,"
International Studies Quarterly 35, no. 4 (July, 1991), p. 419, as cited
in Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 53. "It is therefore a mistake
to view the change in regime in 1966 as a switch from a `socialist' to a
`capitalist' or `free market' regime. There remains a deep-seated mistrust of
market forces, economic liberalism, and private (especially Chinese) ownership
in many influential quarters in Indonesia. . . . [S]ince 1966, the policy
pendulum has swung back and forth between periods of more or less economic
intervention" (H. Hill, "The Economy," in Indonesia's New
Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed.H. Hill
[St. Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994], p. 66).
Hill, "The Economy," in Indonesia's New Order, pp.
62-63.
Government of Indonesia and the International Institute for Environment
and Development (GOI/IIED), Forest Policies in Indonesia: The Sustainable
Development of Forest Lands, Volume III (Jakarta, 1985), pp. 111-115.
J. Romm, Forest Development in Indonesia and the Productive
Transformation of Capital (presented at the Ninth Annual Conference on
Indonesian Studies, Berkeley, California, 31 July - 3 August 1980), p. 3.
M. Gillis, "Indonesia: Public Policies, Resource Management, and the
Tropical Forest," in Public Policies and the Misuse of Forest
Resources, eds. R. Repetto and M. Gillis (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1988), pp. 43-113 at 54.
Government of Indonesia and United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization (GOI/FAO), Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in
Indonesia, Volume I (Jakarta: 1990), p. 56.
As summarized by a leading technocrat, the argument which has at least
temporarily won the day for liberalization is as follows: "Economic growth
and development require export growth to pay for imports and to service debt.
Reliable export growth requires nonoil exports from agriculture and
manufacturing. Nonoil export growth requires an efficient, productive economy,
which needs a competitive domestic market. [Since] protectionist policies and
government controls [are] inimical to [this] creating instead the present
high-cost economy, they need to be dismantled, i.e., the economy deregulated"
(A. Wardhana, "Structural Adjustment in Indonesia: Export and the
`High-Cost' Economy," speech to the 24th Conference of Southeast Asian
Central Bank Governors, Bangkok. [January 25, 1989]. As cited in Schwarz, Nation
in Waiting, p. 56).
World Bank, Indonesia: Environment and Development, pp. 14-15.
US Embassy, "Protection versus Profits: Indonesia's Forestry Sector,"
unclassified cable from the US Ambassador to Indonesia to the US Secretary of
State (March 30, 1994), p. 3.
World Bank, Indonesia: Environment and Development, p. 50.
World Bank, Indonesia -- Agricultural Transformation: Challenges and
Opportunities (Washington: 1992), p. 56.
Hill, "The Economy," in Indonesia's New Order, p. 72.
World Bank, Indonesia: Stability, Growth and Equity in Repelita IV
(Washington, DC, 1994), pp. 53-63.
Government of Indonesia (GOI), Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam:
1994/95-1998/99 [Sixth Year Development Plan: 1994/95 - 1998/99], Chapter 22
(6 volumes, 1994), p. 128.
Ibid., p. 111.
Hill, "The Economy," in Indonesia's New Order, p. 106.
J. McBeth, "Social Dynamite," Far Eastern Economic Review
(February 15, 1996), pp. 20-22.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 32.
Ibid., pp. 31 and 33.
Soeharto, My Thoughts, Words and Deeds, pp. 221 and 226, as cited
in Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 32. The conflict over leadership of
the PDI and resulting riots in 1996, of course, indicates that many are not as
pleased as Soeharto with the current electoral system.
"Megawati barred from 1997 poll," Jakarta Post (July 3,
1996), p. 1.
Korpri incessantly reinforces adherence to Pancasila and "monoloyalty"
to the regime, as well as serving as an important component of Golkar's
electoral machine. The wives of all civil servants must join a parallel group
called Dharma Wanita, assuming a rank pegged to their husband's
position. This group "inculcates an ethos of unquestioning obedience and
acceptance of hierarchy and discourages independent thinking on political or
social issues" (Mackie and MacIntyre, "Politics," p. 27).
Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, p. 105.
Vatakiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto, pp. 70-71.
J. Mackie and A. MacIntyre, "Politics," in Indonesia's New
Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed. H. Hill (St.
Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994), pp. 22.
Use of these terms, all Javanese, provoked considerable resentment in
other parts of the country with long traditions of local government and their
own languages.
P. Guiness, "Local Society and Culture," in Indonesia's New
Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation, ed. H. Hill (St.
Leonard's, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994), pp. 267-304 at 273-275.
K.D. Jackson, "Bureaucratic Polity: A Theoretical Framework for the
Analysis of Power and Communications in Indonesia," in Political Power
and Communications in Indonesia, eds. K.D. Jackson and L.W. Pye (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 1978), pp. 23-42 at 34-35.
H.S. Shin, Demystifying the Capitalist State: Political Patronage,
Bureaucratic Interests, and Capitalists-in-Formation in Soeharto's Indonesia
(Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven, CT, 1989), pp. 71-79.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 112.
R. Pura, "Bob Hasan Builds an Empire in the Forest," Asian
Wall Street Journal (January 20-21, 1995), p. 1.
Mackie and MacIntryre, "Politics," pp. 22-23.
R. Pura, "Suharto Lawyers Ask Court to Reject Suit Over Decree,"
Asian Wall Street Journal (November 1, 1994), p. 1.
Guiness, "Local Society and Culture," p. 269
M.R. Dove, "Introduction: Traditional Culture and Development in
Contemporary Indonesia," in ed. M.R. Dove, The Real and Imagined Role
of Culture in Development: Case Studies from Indonesia (Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press, 1988), pp. 1-37 at 29 and 31.
A member of the Indonesian delegation to the March 1995 UN Social Summit
in Copenhagen stressed this point to the press, presenting as a fact her opinion
that there are no "indigenous people" in Indonesia distinct from the
majority. "What we have is people in remote and isolated communities"
("Indonesia Likely To Play Active Role at Global Summit," Jakarta
Post [February 23, 1995], p. 2).
P. Evers, A Preliminary Analysis of Land Rights and Indigenous People
in Indonesia (Jakarta: World Bank, Draft Working Paper 1995), pp. 7-8.
The inherent conflict between Bali's polytheistic Hinduism and Pancasila's
uncompromising monotheism has apparently been swept under the rug due to the
power of Bali's culture as a tourist draw, or resolved through some form of
theological legerdemain by the Ministry of Religion.
Swidden agriculture -- also called shifting cultivation -- is perhaps the
most common form of agriculture for nonrice crops in Southeast Asia.
Essentially, it is a system in which patches of forest are cut, burned to
improve fertility, and then farmed. The first few years, crop yields are high.
As yields drop due to declining soil fertility or invasions by weeds and pests,
the plot is abandoned and the cycle begins anew on another patch of forest
nearby. In most systems, the abandoned fields are left to fallow for years or
decades before being cut and farmed again. Crops in swidden systems tend to be
diverse, in order to stagger labor requirements throughout the year and ensure
against the loss (by pests or severe storms, for example), of one crop. A stable
and sustainable system under low population densities, and often well-suited
ecologically to relatively poor forest soils, swidden systems can easily break
down where new markets, increasing populations, or restricted access to land
forces farmers to shorten fallow periods (D. Capistrano and G.G. Marten, "Agriculture
in Southeast Asia," in Traditional Agriculture in Southeast Asia: A
Human Ecology Perspective, ed. G.G. Marten [Boulder, CO: Westview Press,
1986], pp. 6-19 at 13-14).
J.A. Weinstock, Study on Shifting Cultivation in Indonesia. Phase I
Report (Draft) (Jakarta: Government of Indonesia[GOI]/UN Food and
Agriculture Organization [FAO] Project UTF/INS/065/INS, 1989), pp. 1 and 186.
M.R. Dove, "The Agroecological Mythology of the Javanese and the
Political Economy of Indonesia," Indonesia 39 (1988), pp. 1-36.
C.V. Barber, N. Johnson, and E. Hafild, Breaking the Logjam: Obstacles
to Forest Policy Reforming Indonesia and the United States (Washington DC:
World Resources Institute, 1994), p. 78.
Government of Indonesia (GOI), Indonesia Forestry Action Programme,
Volume II (Jakarta: 1991), p. 22.
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 29, p. 421.
In the case of the Kubu, a nomadic forest-dwelling tribe in Sumatra, a
recent World Bank transmigration review concluded that neighboring
transmigration projects have had "a major negative and probably
irreversible impact" (World Bank, Indonesia Transmigration Program: A
Review of Five Bank-Supported Projects [Washington, DC: Report No. 12988,
1994], p. 22). Other observers have characterized the program as "Javanese
colonialism" (P. Shenon, "Rearranging the Population: Indonesia Weighs
the Pluses and Minuses," New York Times [October 8, 1992], p. A12).
Guiness, "Local Society and Culture, p. 272."
In a variation on this theme, Soeharto used the August 1995 Fiftieth
Independence Day celebration to pardon a number of Sukarno-era government
figures implicated in and imprisoned since the events of 1965-66.
As of mid-1995, a new and even more restrictive law governing NGO
activities and funding was reported to be in the drafting process.
S. Aznam, "Passport Control: New Immigration Law Can Render Citizens
Stateless," Far Eastern Review (March 26, 1992), p. 18.
G. Rannis and F. Stewart, "Decentralisation in Indonesia," Bulletin
of Indonesian Economic Studies 30, no. 3 (December 1994), pp. 41-72.
Jackson, "Bureaucratic Polity: A Theoretical Framework, p. 11."
Bresnan, Managing Indonesia, pp. 105-106. From 1974 to 1983, the
bureaucracy grew from 1.67 million to 2.63 million civil servants, and
state-owned enterprises grew to account for 25 percent of GDP (Vatakiotis, Indonesian
Politics Under Suharto, p. 37). By 1986, the civil service exceeded 3
million, a five-fold increase since 1963.
The time may come when Indonesia will take the advice proffered by the
Far Eastern Economic Review editorial page and actually refuse all or
part of the $5.3 billion in aid pledged for 1995 by the Consultative Group on
Indonesia, a World Bank-led donor consortium, and instead seek private sector
sources for development projects ("Banned Aid: Why Jakarta Should Say No,"
Far Eastern Economic Review [August 17, 1995], p. 5).
Concerning the current Five-Year Plan, Booth notes that: "As is usual
in the successive plan documents in New Order Indonesia, the emphasis is on
generalized expressions of policy intent, usually couched in language
sufficiently vague to avoid confronting particular interest groups. Thus the
reader searching . . . (for) rigorous analysis of economic policy issues is
likely to be disappointed. On the other hand, the document does discuss
macroeconomic and sectoral targets, often in considerable detail" (Booth, "Repelita
VI," p. 3).
GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme.
Bappenas, Biodiversity Action Plan for Indonesia (Jakarta, 1993).
For a comparative review of biodiversity planning experiences in seventeen
countries, including Indonesia, see K. Miller and S. Lanou, National
Biodiversity Planning: Guidelines Based on Early Experiences Around the World
(Washington DC: World Resources Institute, The World Conservation Union [IUCN],
and United Nations Environment Programme, 1995).
Jackson notes that the Javanese concept of political power, which esteems
the passive-yet-powerful leader who seems to not need to exert himself to
achieve his ends, may partly account for the gulf between planning and action: "As
designing plans is relatively passive while implementation requires action,
attention and high status go with the former rather than the latter. Progress in
bureaucracies is often impressive until the moment when implementation is
required" (K.D. Jackson, "The Political Implications of Structure and
Culture in Indonesia," in Political Power and Communications in
Indonesia, eds. K.D. Jackson and L.W. Pye [Berkeley: University of
California Press. 1978], pp. 23-42 at 39).
Cernea, Putting People First; ed. M. Poffenberger, Keepers of
the Forest: Land Management Alternatives in Southeast Asia (West Hartford,
CT: Kumarian Press, 1990).
Booth, "Repelita VI," p. 37
Mackie and MacIntryre, "Politics," p. 21.
Jackson, "Bureaucratic Polity: A Theoretical Framework," pp.
8-9.
World Bank, Indonesia: Improving Efficiency and Equity, p. xxvi.
J. Solomon and H. Sender, "Souring Sentinment: Riots Send Shudders
Through Investors," Far Eastern Economic Review (August 8, 1996),
p. 16.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 137.
Ibid., p. 136.
"And Then the Children," Indonesian Business Weekly, p.
11.
Soeharto, "Annual Independence Day Speech, August 17, 1996," as
quoted in Economy and Business Review Indonesia, no. 228 (August 28,
1996), p. 33.
McBeth and Cohen, "Streets of Fire," p. 15.
B. Anderson, "The Idea of Power in Javanese Culture," in Culture
and Politics in Indonesia, eds. C. Holt et al. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Modern
Indonesia Project, 1972), pp. 1-69. As one high forestry official said in an
international meeting, "we never reform policies in Indonesia, we only improve
them."
GOI/IIED, Forest Policies in Indonesia, Volume III, p. 82.
N. L. Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People: Resource Control and
Resistance on Java (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992), pp.
27-160.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review (Jakarta: Draft,
April 1993), p. iii.
Government of Indonesia and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), Community
Participation in Forest Management, Mid-Term Report, Forest Sector Policy
Analysis Working Paper No. 5 (Jakarta: ADB Project Preparation Technical
Assistance T.A. No. 1781-INO, 1994); Poffenberger, Keepers of the Forest.
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 26, p. 327.
GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme, Volume I, p. 9.
Bappenas, Biodiversity Action Plan for Indonesia (Jakarta, 1993),
pp. 1-2.
Dick, Forest Land Use. Lowland evergreen forest predominates among
the many forest types and is one of the richest dryland plant communities in the
world. In Borneo, for instance, it is estimated that the forest contains 1,800
to 2,300 tree species larger than 10 cm in diameter, and that some 40 plant
genera and many more species are endemic. Of the 650 bird species known or
presumed to breed on the Sunda shelf (which includes Peninsular Malaysia,
Sumatra, Borneo and Java), 291 inhabit inland lowland forests (D.R. Wells, "Survival
of the Malaysian Bird Fauna," Malayan Nature Journal, vol. 24
[1971] pp. 248-256). Dipterocarpaceae, with some 386 species in western
Indonesia, dominate these forests and yield the most commercial hardwood.
C. Zerner, Indigenous Forest-Dwelling Communities in Indonesia's Outer
Islands: Livelihood, Rights, and Environmental Management Institutions in the
Era of Industrial Forest Exploitation, Consultancy Report prepared for the
World Bank Indonesia Forestry Sector Policy Review (Washington, DC, Resource
Planning Corporation, 1992), p. 4.
GOI/IIED, Forest Policies in Indonesia, Volume III, p. 82.
RePPProt, The Land Resources of Indonesia, p. 156.
Government of Indonesia (GOI), Indonesia Forestry Action Programme,
Volume II (Jakarta, 1991), pp. 38-39.
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 26, p. 327.
Found in J. Dick, Forest Land Use, Forest Use Zonation, and
Deforestation in Indonesia: A Summary and Interpretation of Existing
Information, a background paper to the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development (UNCED) (Jakarta: Prepared for the Ministry of
Environment, 1991), pp. 30-32.
Dick's relatively low estimate (Dick, Forest Land Use) is premised
on the conclusion that previous higher estimates "assume that official
tenure change is equivalent to actual conversion; assume that all causes
or agents of deforestation are additive, whereas in fact smallholders, for
example, will usually occupy land already disturbed (by logging, fire,
etc.); and appear to assume that all area presently under shifting cultivation
has been deforested in the last ten or fifteen years, whereas in fact shifting
cultivators occupy much land which has never been forested (or has been cleared
for many years)" (World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, p.
18).
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, pp. 5-6.
The four southern Sumatra provinces of Jambi, South Sumatra, Bengkulu, and
Lampung had an average population growth rate of 3 percent, more than 50 percent
higher than Indonesia's overall 1.97 percent growth rate. While hard data on
migration are difficult to come by for this and other regions, a 1992 study
concluded that "high population growth implies the constant inflow of
transmigrants (official and spontaneous) into the Region." Combined with
increasing levels of agricultural and industrial investment, the result is "increasing
competition for land and forest resources between traditional users,
transmigrants, logging concessions, and large estates. Social costs of
environmental pressure are beginning to show, for example sedimentation and
periodic flooding of river systems; shortages of fuelwood and building materials
from deforestation; acidification from cultivating fragile peat soils"
(Japan International Cooperation Agency [JICA], Study on the Integrated
Regional Development Plan for the Southern Part of Sumatra, Prepared for the
Ministry of Public Works, Republic of Indonesia [Jakarta: Draft Final Main
Report Volume 2, 1992], pp. 20-21).
Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People, pp. 44-45.
Ibid., p. 67.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 8.
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume IV, p. 169.
R.M. Unger, Law in Modern Society: Toward a Criticism of Social Theory
(New York: Free Press, 1976), p. 67.
For example, GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme; GOI/FAO,
Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia.
J. Douglas, Organization for Production (Paper presented at the
Ninth World Forestry Congress, Mexico City, July 1985).
K.F. Wiersum, "International Experience in Social Forestry and
Implications for Research Support," Paper presented at the Conference on
Planning and Implementation of Social Forestry Programs in Indonesia
(Joygakarta: Gadjah Mada University, December 1-3, 1987).
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume IV, p. 171.
C.V. Barber et al., forthcoming, Conservation Policies and Politics on
Sumatra's Last Rainforest Frontier (Jakarta: World Resources Institute and
Worldwide Fund for Nature Indonesia Program, title may change -- due in early
1997).
The official -- but still partial -- compilations of forestry laws and
regulations issued every several years by the ministry's legal staff now total
eight volumes and more than 1,700 pages.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review (Jakarta: Draft,
April 1993), p. 11.
R. Sedjo, Incentives and Distortions in Indonesian Forest Policy (Unpublished
report prepared for World Bank, Jakarta, 1987), p. 8.
Regional Physical Planning Programme for Transmigration (RePPProt), The
Land Resources of Indonesia: A National Overview (Jakarta: Overseas
Development Administration [UK] and Department of Transmigration [Indonesia],
1990), p. 159.
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume II, pp. 140-141.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, p. 29.
L. Potter, Forest Degradation and Reforestation in Kalimantan: Towards
a Sustainable Land Use?, Paper presented at a conference on "Interactions
of People and Forests in Kalimantan" (New York: Botanical Gardens, June
21-23, 1991), p. 2; H. Brookfield et al., "Borneo and the Malay Peninsula,"
in B.L. Turner et al., The Earth as Transformed by Human Action (Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
Potter, Forest Degradation and Reforestation in Kalimantan, p. 3.
H. Thang, Forest Conservation Management Practices in Malaysia, Paper
presented at workshop on "Realistic Strategies for Tropical Forests"
(General Assembly of the World Conservation Union [IUCN], November 28-December
5, 1990). Even the government's own Forestry Action Programme argues that "a
thirty-five-year cycle may be only about half the length of time required to
support a sustainable harvest in the long term," though the Programme
endorses "continuous monitoring and evaluation" rather than stricter
cutting-cycle regulations (GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme,
Volume II, p. 57).
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, p. 48.
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume IV, p. 33.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, p. 20.
Bappenas, Biodiversity Action Plan for Indonesia (Jakarta, 1993),
p. 78.
J. de Beers and M. McDermott, The Economic Value of Non-Timber Forest
Products in Southeast Asia (Amsterdam: Netherlands Committee for IUCN,
1989), p. 86.
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume III, p. 45.
E.A.M. Zuhud and Haryanto, Pelestarian Pemanfaatan Keanekaragaman
Tumbuhan Obat Hutan Tropika Indonesia [Conservation and Utilization of the
Diverse Medicinal Plants of Indonesia's Tropical Forest] (Bogor: Bogor
Agricultural Institute and the Indonesian Tropical Institute, 1994), p. xiv.
T.H. Hull and G.W. Jones, "Demographic Perspectives," in ed. H.
Hill, Indonesia's New Order: The Dynamics of Socio-Economic Transformation
(St. Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994), pp. 123-178 at 125.
T.H. Hull and V.J. Hull, "Population and Health Policies," in
The Oil Boom and After: Indonesian Economic Policy and Performance in the
Soeharto Era, ed. A. Booth (London: Oxford University Press, 1992).
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 36, p. 330.
Ibid., Chapter 26, p. 328.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, p. 38.
H. Suharyanto and G. N. Munthe, "Tropical Forests: National Treasure
Trove," Indonesian Business Weekly (June 10, 1994), p. 4.
"RI's Pulp Exports Likely to Reach $2 Billion Mark this Year,"
Jakarta Post (February 21,1995), p. 8.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, pp. 38-39.
Ibid.
Government of Indonesia and the Asian Development Bank (GOI/ADB), Evaluation
of Forest Policy Regulatory Reforms (Jakarta: Mid-Term Report, Forest Sector
Policy Analysis Working Paper No. 6, ADB Project Preparation Technical
Assistance T.A. No. 1781-INO, 1994), p. 10.
Between 1969 and 1994, production increases for key minerals were: tin,
550 percent; nickel, over 250 percent; phosphate, 25,000 percent; copper, over
10,000 percent; and gold, 16,000 percent. Coal production during this period
increased by 4,300 percent (GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam,
Chapter 25, pp. 261-263).
C. Marr, Digging Deep: The Hidden Costs of Mining in Indonesia (London:
Down to Earth and Minewatch, 1993), p. 34.
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 25, p. 289.
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, p. 4.
Ibid., pp. 16-17.
GOI, Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun Keenam, Chapter 26, p. 319.
Ibid., Chapter 29, p. 421.
World Bank, Indonesia: Sustaining Development (Washington, DC:
World Bank, 1993), as cited in Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the
Logjam, p. 44.
The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI), Sustainability and
Economic Rent in the Indonesian Forestry Sector (Jakarta, 1991), pp. 11 and
23.
World Bank, Indonesia: Sustaining Development (Washington, DC:
World Bank, 1993), as cited in Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the
Logjam, p. 44.
Ibid., pp. 18-19. Another recent study confirmed this analysis: "Several
industrialists practicing intra-firm pricing compose a quasi-cartel. Their
determination of log prices reflects neither the scarcity value of tropical logs
nor the externalities involved in their exploitation. This allows Indonesians to
value at only $70-80 per cubic meter the same Bornean species which Malaysians
value at $140-165 per cubic meter" (WALHI/LBH, Mistaking Plantations
for the Forest).
GOI/FAO, Situation and Outlook of Forestry Sector in Indonesia,
Volume I, p. 87.
East Kalimantan Province, which accounts for 10 percent of Indonesia's
land area, contains 20 million hectares of legally recognized forestlands. Of
this, 12 million hectares is held under 108 timber concessions. From 1980
through 1988, 25 percent of all logs produced in Indonesia came from East
Kalimantan, peaking at 30 percent in 1984. Surveying the results of this massive
timber boom, WALHI concluded that:
Commercial exploitable timber in East Kalimantan will be exhausted by 2003.
From 1985 through 1990, logging enterprises directly employed only about 2
percent of the population over ten years of age, while forest industries
employed approximately another 4 percent.
Logging and forest industries in 1985 indirectly created an estimated 18
and 45 jobs, respectively, per 100 directly created jobs; but these jobs are
offset by the still-uncalculated but most likely large loss of employment and
income from local forest-based cottage industries (e.g., rattan collection)
denied access to forest resources controlled by concession-holders.
Investment in the province's forestry sector is becoming increasingly
capital intensive, as shown by the ratios of jobs created per unit of investment
(100 million rupiah; $50,000 at the 1991 rate) in both logging and forest
industries. In logging, per unit jobs declined from nine in the 1970s to six in
the late 1980s. In forest industries, per unit job creation declined from eleven
to three during the same period.
From 1975 through 1989, only 28 percent of forestry taxes and levies
returned to the province, and only 9 percent of what was returned was used for
forestry conservation and development.
The Indonesian Forum for the
Environment (WALHI), HPH dan Ekonomi Regional: Kasus Kalimantan Timur
[Timber Concessions and Regional Economics: The East Kalimantan Case] (Jakarta,
1993), pp. 51-52.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 112.
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH), "The Torching of the People's
Homes and the Destruction of Their Fields in Subdistrict Pulau Panggung, Lampung
Selatan, Sumatra, Indonesia," (unpublished report on file with author,
Jakarta, May 1989).
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, p. 21.
The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI) notes that "The
Bentian case is one typical example of hundreds of similar cases from East
Kalimantan. Most of the cases have so far remained undocumented due to the
pervasive atmosphere of intimidation and censorship in the region" (WALHI,
Indonesian Government-Sponsored "Development" and Logging Destroys
Indigenous Peoples' Sustainable Agroforestry System: Bentian Case, East
Kalimantan Indonesia -- Brief Notes and History [Jakarta: Unpublished Case
Report, 1994], p. 1; see also WALHI, Kasus Rakyat Jelmu Sibak Melawan Bob
Hasan [The Case of the People of Jelmu Sibak versus Bob Hasan] [Jakarta:
Unpublished Case Report, 1995]).
The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI) and Indonesian Legal Aid
Institute (LBH), Mistaking Plantations for the Forest: Indonesia's Pulp and
Paper Industry, Communities, and the Environment (Jakarta, 1992), pp. 48-53.
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, pp. 72-73.
Curiously, the local office of the provincial forestry service noted in a
report on the conflict in August 1993 that "ex-communists" were
involved in the forest clearing, and that it "smelled of politics"
(Muara Enim [South Sumatra] Forestry Service Office, "Kasus Hutan Rimba
Sekampung, Benakat" ["The Case of the Sekampung Natural Forest,
Benakat"], [Palembang, South Sumatra, 1993], p. 5). (Internal forestry
service report on file with author.) His main concern seems to have been,
however, that the arrangement was made without the participation or consent of
the local forestry apparatus.
Benakat Solidarity Committee, Pernyataan Sikap Komite Slidaritas Untuk
Marga Benakat [Position Paper of the Benakat Solidarity Community]
(Palembang, South Aumatra: Indonesian Legal Aid Institute, 1994), p. 1-4.
(Unpublished report on file with author.)
In a letter to the Minister of Forestry in September 1994, the committee
stated its views on the facts to date. The committee demanded that the minister
immediately require MEL to cease activities in the Benakat forest and officially
recognize the communities' rights over it, that the appropriate legal
authorities take action against all parties which violated the communities'
rights, that MEL immediately take action to rehabilitate the forest areas it had
destroyed and provide compensation, and that the local military command withdraw
the forces that had continually patrolled the plantation areas and adjacent
villages.
Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH), Laporan Tahunan: Kantor Lembaga
Bantuan Hukum Palembang [Annual Report: Palembang Legal Aid Institute
Office] (Palambang, South Sumatra, 1994), pp. 32-33.
Indonesian Legal Institute (LBH), Urgent Action: The expansion of
industrial forestation and the establishment of a pulp and paper factory which
seize local communities' lands and rapes and violate the law and human rights
(Palambang, South Sumatra, 1996), pp. 2-4. (Unpublished "Action Alert"
on file with author.)
Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People, passim.
Ministry of Forestry, Utilization of the Reforestation Fund, Working
Paper No. 2, Mid-Term Report: Forestry Sector Policy Analysis, Forestry Sector
Study (ADB Project Preparation Technical Assistance T.A. No. 1781-INO, 1994),
pp. 7 and 10.
The funding is to be used to develop a 70-seat turbo-prop aircraft, the
N-250, a project which had already consumed $650 million in state funds. The
loan is to be paid back through a 5 percent royalty on each N-250 sold, which
will require IPTN to sell 281 of them at the currently estimated sale price of
$13.5 million. The marketability of the N-250 is thus crucial to whether the
funds will ever be paid back. The Asian Wall Street Journal notes,
however, that "some critics, including the World Bank, have suggested that
IPTN may never become commercially viable" (R. Pura, "Suharto Lawyers
Ask Court to Reject Suit Over Decree," Asian Wall Street Journal
[November 1, 1994], p. 1).
Ibid.
G.N. Munthe and R. Hindryati, "Apkindo Under Fire," Indonesian
Business Weekly (March 6, 1995), p. 5.
Pura, "Bob Hasan Builds an Empire in the Forest," Asian Wall
Street Journal (November 1, 1994), p. 1.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, pp. 305-306.
There has been some speculation in the past year that Soeharto's eldest
daughter, well-known businesswoman Siti Hardijanti Rukmana (known as "Mbak
Tutut") may come forward as a candidate to succeed her father, but barring
that scenario -- unlikely given the growing resentment in various elite factions
towards the influence of the Soeharto children -- the new president will surely
be a man.
World Bank, Indonesia: Environment and Development, pp. 14-25.
GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme.
World Bank, Indonesia Forestry Sector Review, p. 5.
GOI, Indonesia Forestry Action Programme, p. 57.
Jack Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991), p. 32, passim.
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, pp. 44-47,
passim.
World Bank, Indonesia: Stability, Growth and Equity in Repelita VI,
p. 111.
In a March 1996 meeting with Commissioners and Panelists of the World
Commission on Forests and Sustainable Development Asia Hearing, which the author
attended, President Soeharto spoke at length about the high priority he places
on the Central Kalimantan peat swamp project, and the wisdom of financing it
with the Reforestation Fund. The irony of using "reforestation" funds
to clear forests for agriculture did not seem to enter his calculations and was
not raised by any other participants in the meeting.
Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion, p. 487.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, p. 306.
Barber, Johnson, and Hafild, Breaking the Logjam, p. 20.
Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People, pp. 235-250.
Schwarz, A Nation in Waiting, pp. 306-307.
Homer-Dixon, "The Ingenuity Gap," p. 591.
Ibid., p. 595.
United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), Global Biodiversity
Assessment (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 275-326.